JOH NGRIFFITHS THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST

Lutes and related plucked instrumentscittems, vihuelas, guitars, and bandoraswere present in every sphere of cultured music making in the sixteenth century. Even in the church, where they are obscured by their preclusion from the performance sphere, lutes and other plucked instruments were owned and played by many of the musicians who composed and sang polyphonic church music. In light of our growing understanding of the lute and lute playing, this study aims to revisit the role of the lute in the composition, dissemination and reception of vocal polyphony, as well as the manner in which plucked instruments still remain marginalised in contemporary perceptions of renaissance music. My aim is to draw attention to the role of the lute within the milieu of vocal polyphony, insistingas numerous other scholars have doneon the centrality of the instrument to our understanding of sixteenth-century musical life. I argue along the lines of Howard Mayer Brown that the relegation of the lute and its music to the periphery is to ignore some fundamental realities.' Some 30,000 works are estimated to survive for the renaissance lute and its cognates, printed lute books were frequently issued in large print runs in response to a demand from urban amateurs, and instruments were produced en masse. In this latter question, my own research into the production of vihuelas in Spain indicates that perhaps in excess of a quarter of a million instruments (vihuelas and guitars) were built there in the sixteenth-century, and even this is a highly conservative estimate? Similar projections have not been made of other regions, as far

1 HOW ARD M. BROW N,The Importance of Sixteenth Century Intabulations, in Proceedings of the International LuteSymposium Utrecht 1986, ed. Louis Peter Grijp Wi l l e m Mook, Utrecht, STIMU Foundation for Historical Performance Practice, 1988, pp. 1-29. See also HL E N EC H A R N A S S ,La rception de la musique'savante' dans le mondedesamateurs: les receuils decistre au XVI' sicle, in Atti del XIV Congresso della Societ Internazionale di Musicologia: Trasmissione e recezione delle forme di cultura musicale, ed. A. Pompitio et at, Torino, EDT, 1990, vol. 3, pp. 59-67. 2This estimate is based on the fact that the names of some 150 vio/eros are known. Even if this were as many as a quarter of the number of makers who actually made instruments, we could speculate 600 makers building an average of as few as twenty instruments each year for a twenty-year working life, the number of instruments would be 240,000.

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a s I am aware, yet documents, such as the 1552 inventory of Laux Maler's workshop in Bologna that lists more than 1100 lutes, suggest that similarly high gures are likely in Italy as well.3These statistics are but one indicator of the extent to which the lute was played and suggest that the marginalisation of the lute in our reconstructed image of sixteenthcentury European music is indeed a distortion of reality. It might be likened to constructing an image of the nineteenth century that ignored the existence of the piano: the lute was no less intrinsic to its own time. The lutenist has been marginalised from the polyphonist for a number of reasons. Despite the sizeable surviving lute repertory, the instrument's role was nowhere as central to the development of musical thinking as vocal polyphony, and its status was not as high as that of music conceived for ceremonial use by secular and ecclesiastical patrons. Moreover, the musical institutions of these patrons employed greater numbers of singers than lutenists, the lute did not participate in liturgical performance, and musical chapels were more important to the propaganda interests of their patrons than were their favourite minstrels. While these realities are undeniable, they only partially explain the peripheral position of the lute in modem scholarly consciousness. The principal contributing reason is much simpler. It is the alien nature of the lute's tablature notation, marvellously practical and comprehensible to players but seemingly impenetrable to others, that creates a psychological and mechanical barrier and has inhibited many of even the nest scholars of renaissance music, despite the availability of many accessible modem editions. The purpose here, then, is to strengthen the perception of the role of the lute in musical life by pointing to some of the ways that it was an intrinsic part of musical thinking, musical creativity, and musical practice. The enormous quantity of surviving intabulations of motets, masses, madrigals and the like provide the most overt and direct link between the lutenist and polyphonist. They can assist in tracing many correlations and parallels, but it is symptomatic of our scholarly mentality that we tend to hold intabulations at arm's length from their models, regarding themas the realm of the instrumentalist and not the polyphonist, and little more than the remnants of performance practice. One of the broader concerns of this study is to promote a view of these works as part of the samecreative process and musical tradition, part of the same repertory,
3 M. W. PRYNNE, The Old Bologna Lute-makers, <ale Lute Society Journal, V, 1963, p. 19.

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music enjoyed by the sameconsumers. By discarding the distinction created within our own scholarly tradition, it is possible to develop a more sophisticated understanding of theways in which lutes and other plucked instruments were contributors and participants in mainstream musical life and to consider the ways in which they formed part of the chain of events from musical conception through to musical transmission and reception. Functions of the lute The role of the lute in the broader panorama of the sixteenth-century soundscapebecomes clearer if explained in terms of its various functions within musical life. In its symbolic role the lute was the Orphic lyre reincarnate, while in the realm of musical practice it served as a performance medium in diverse social settings. The lute also fullled other functions that were much more private and individual: it was played for recreational enjoyment, it was a didactic tool, the theorist's laboratory, a compositional aid, and a vehicle for musical transmission. It is these latter roles that deserve greater attention. There is little need here to reiterate what is already widely understood about the lute as the public performance instrument par excellence, extensively played by professionals and amateurs for solo music or to accompany song, vocal polyphony or dancemusic within diversely constituted ensembles. Eyewitness accounts of sixteenth-century lute performances help point to its role as a cultural symbol. Such an interpretation can be derived, for example, from Pontus de Tyard's renowned account of a performance by Francesco da Milano that transported all those who were listening into such a pleasurable melancholy so that they were deprived of all senses save that of hearing, as if the spirit, having abandoned all the seats of the senses, had retired to the ears in order to enjoy the more at its easeso ravishing a harmony ....4 Performances that even partially moved the affections so profoundly surely reafrmed to listeners the Pythagorean and Platonic views of cosmic harmony and the effects of music that were embodied in the legends of Orpheus and other heroes who used music to triumph against adversity. This capacity and function of the lute has been underestimated

4Pontus de Tyard, Solitaire second ou prose de la musique, Lyon, 1555, cited and translated in A RTHUR J. Ness, The Lute Music of Francesco Canova da Milano ( 1 4 9 7 bridge Mass., Harvard University Press, 1970, p. 2. 1543), C a m -

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in evaluating the instrument's popularity and in assessingthe depth of its signicancewithin the musicalconsciousness of the time. The power of the lute to movethe affections had a cultural value that surpassedpracticalconsiderations of portability and its ability to play music of considerablepolyphonic complexity. The reincarnate lyre of Orpheuswaswidely perceived as a pathway to cultural elevation. For some this probably went as far as providing a sense of inner spiritual enlightenment while for others not so deeply inuenced it wasused, in the manner advocated byCastiglione, for the external ostentation of either condition. Contemporaryevaluations of the lute also fall short in estimating its us eas a part of private recreation, particularly in the urban context. Just a sthe piano in the nineteenth century, the lute toowasthe equivalent of today'sdomestic CD player, and was a fundamental part of the sixteenth-centurydomestic and urban soundscape. In this role, it was the lute that brought the polyphonic vocal repertory into the domestic environment and into the consciousness of many people who otherwise would have had little opportunity to partake of it. Moreover, much of this lute playing was probably private and individual, done without an audience for recreation and self-edication. Philosophers, clergy, soldiers,lawyers,merchants, princes, students, poets,as well asmanyother dilettantes of bothsexes gureamong the numerousgroups within sixteenth-centurysociety for whomthe lute formed part of their recreationalpastime. The lute wasalso a didactic tool. Lutenists who aimed to compose their ownmusicused the instrument to learn their craft. Intabulations of vocalpolyphony permitted the assimilation of mainstreamcompositional technique and style and, in many ways, the evolution of lute music through the sixteenth centurymay beseenas the increasing adoption of principlesandtechniquesadapted from the vocalmainstream. The SpanishtheoristJuanBermudo is explicit in proposing to players, vihuelists in hisregional context, a progressive working method for those who aspired to create their own works.' This method involves progressively intabulating simple duos, three-part homophoniccompositionssuch as villancicos, and nally four and ve-voice works by such masters as Josquin,Morales and Gombert. Ile recommendsthis course of studyas anecessary preliminary for players who wished to invent works from their own fantasy, and to ensure that thesecompositions did not suffer
3JUANB E RM UDO, Libro llamado declaration de instrumentos musicales, Osuna, 1555; rpt.

Kassel, Birenreiter, 1957, fol. 99v.

THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST

from bad taste. Such instructions underline the fact that intabulations put at the lutenist's disposal works by the leading polyphonists of the time. Those who had only limited access to formal education learnt harmony and counterpoint on the lute through self-directed study, but using materials of the same quality as those who became apprenticed to professionals. Tablature was really an extraordinary invention. On the one hand, it permitted musicians to makescores out of part music with previously unknown ease at the same time as it allowed players with negligible musical training to perform some of the most sophisticated music of the era simply by following a set of instructions for nger placement. The effect was to broaden the consumer base for vocal polyphony immeasurably, especially for what we might call active participant consumers. The lute also contributed to advances in the science and theory of music. The particular nature of the lute's fretted ngerboard, for example, presented tuning problems that were closely linked to the vigorous debates of contemporary music theorists from the time of Tinctoris and Ramos and throughout the sixteenth century. The problems of the division of the octave on fretted instruments were unlike those of any other instrument for the sameseries of ratios had to work for strings tuned in G, C, D, F and A (on a standard lute in G). This meant, for example, that the interval between an open string and the third fret (the minor thirds G chords B L , and consonances resulting from strings played simultaneously had to be in tune with one another. Lutenists found diverse solutions to this C problem that are reected in various theoretical writings suchas BermuE 6discussion , do's of the vihuela that applies a modied Pythagorean sysD tem, Gene's adaptation of meantone temperament to the lute, and Vincenzo F , Galilei's experiments that lead to the rst formulation of equal temperament. A lutenist singers and composers of polyphonic music, and it is naive to 6 C , that their sound worlds were independent in face of the ever-inimagine T he s e a creasi ng awareness that lutenists and polyphonists were not mutually exs o l u t clusive groups. Similar conclusions may be drawn when considering the n development of harmonic thinking in the sixteenth century. The lute is a i do n s c F a - n n t LINDLEY, Lutes, Viols and Temperaments, Cambridge, Cambridge University See A 6o L MARK Press, 1984; h a WOLFGANGFREIS, Petfecting the perfect instrument: Fray Juan Bermudo on the tun' and ) temperament ing of the vihuela de mano, Early Music, )11:111, 1995, pp. 421-436;E UGE N v M. DOMBOIS, e Die Temperatur fr Laute bei Hans Genie (1532), Forum Musicologicurno, II, a 1980, pp. 60-72; Vicrott Conno (ed), Music and Science in the Age of Galileo, Dordrecht, g Boston, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992 (The University of Western Ontario Series in l Philosophy of Science, 51). o l n h e a u n d n o

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chordal instrument and it is abundantly evident from the surviving repertory that lutenists used stock chord shapes wherever they could, and that they understood the harmonic function of chordal progressions long before they were ever described or formulated theoretically. Reading between the lines of Bermudo's recommendations to aspiring vihuelists cited above, it is clear that the purpose of intabulating three-part msica golpeada (strummed music) such as the villancicos of Juan Vitsquez was to learn fundamental harmonic progressions. Once again, we must acknowledge that many of the musicians who played this music were polyphonists, and their knowledge of the harmonic dimension of linear polyphony must surely have been informed by their practical experience with the lute as well as with keyboard instruments. In effect, lutenists were practising a form of basso continuo or bassoseguente long before the invention of terms to describe them, and cementing their understanding of chords and the nature of harmonic progressions. This is abundandy clear from the formulaic dance patterns and variation schemes that proliferate in lute tablatures. It is indeed strange that modern scholarship has remained impervious to some of the very simple realities of sixteenth-century musical practice that are abundantly evident in the surviving lute repertory, and the only explanation I can offer for this is the absence of contemporary theoretical descriptions of such practices. The use of the lute as a compositional aid is related to the instrument's didactic and recreational uses. Here, there are numerous further links between the lute and the creators of vocal polyphony. There were lutenists who were polyphonists and polyphonists who were lutenists. In their own time, they probably made no such distinction and probably all considered themselves musicians, but we tend to categorise them based on the dominant area of their output. We do not need to search far to nd lutenists who applied a sophisticated polyphonic skill to their instrumental compositions, musicians suchas Francesco da Milano or Valentin Bakfark to name but two. At the same time, there are those whom we principally regard today as lutenists but who also composed part music. The best known of them is undoubtedly John Dowland, but we can also

7Even though not fundamentally a work devoted to plucked instruments, it is Tomb's de Santa Maria who provides the earliest attempt to dene the nature of chords in the Libro Ilamado arte de taller fantasia Valladolid, Francisco Fernandez de Cordoba, 1565. This particular issue is discussed in SAMUELRUBIO, La Consonancia (acordes) en el Arte de Taller Fantasia de Fray Tormis de Santa Maria, txRevista de Musicologia, IV, 1980, pp. 5-40, and MIGUEL ROIG-FB A NCOLI, Playing in consonances: a Spanish Renaissance technique of chordal improvisation, Early Music, XXIII, 1995, pp. 437-449.

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include lesser known gures such as Philip van Wilder, vived Neapolitan Fabrizio 8 th e r e c e n t Dentice, l y r e who, according to recently discovered documents, considered himself 9 a n d t h e primarily v i h ua polyphonist e l i s t and secondly an instrumentalis0 In the same way, whom we think of as polyphonists also played L numerous u y composers s the lute and used the instrument for recreational purposes if not didactic d e It is here that the links between the lute and the polyphonones as well. N remain a largely r v e ist unexplored. It would seem perfectly natural to use the lute z as a compositional tool, at least to try out pieces during or after the compositional process. But can we go further and ask if our Dentices, Dowlands, Guerreros or Palestrinas used the lute as a more intrinsic part of the act of composition, not merely to inform their musicianship in an indirect way, but in situations analogous to Stravinsky composing orchestral music at the piano. One of the most frequently-cited references to the role of the lute in vocal composition is a letter written by Don Annibale Capello to Gugliemo Gonzaga (18 October 1578) that reveals Giovanni da Palestrina to have intabulated at least some movements of a his newly-composed Missa Dominicalis. In her recent pioneering book on compositional process in the sixteenth century, Jessie Ann Owens speculates cautiously that Oalestrina may have used the lute in composing, either as a way of sounding out the music or as a way of notating it." Even though her book is an exemplary and unprejudiced examination of renaissance compositional process that looks at instrumental and vocal music with equal
' Van Wilder (c. 1500-1553) was a lutenist at the court of Henry ITHI in England whose surviving works include more than forty vocal compositions. See his Collected Works, ed. J. Bernstein, New York, Broude, 1991 (Masters and Monuments of the Renaissance 4), and DAM HUMP HRE Y S , A study in emulation: Philip van Wilder's En despit des envyeulx, Early
Music, m a x , 2001, pp. 93-106.

9Dentice's vocal music has been republished in DINKOFARRIS, Da Napoli a Parma: itinerari di un musicista aristocratico. Opera vocali di Fabrizio Dentice, 1 5 3 0 o Accademi a Nazionale di Santa-Sidra, 1998 (L'Arte Armonica, Serie II, Musica Palatina, 3). Dentice's lute music will be published shortly in The Lute Music of Fabrizio Dentice and his 1 581, R o m a John - M Grifths i l a n and o ,Dinko Fabris, Madison, A-R Edition (accent ReNeapolitan Circle, ed. searches in Music of the Renaissance). I tury Spain, Journal of the Lute Society of America, XXVI, 1993, pp. 1-12. Two motets by " Narvez also survive: De profundis clamavi published in Quartus Liber cum Quatuor vocibus: S Del Fiore (Lyon, Jacques Moderne, 1539), and reprinted by Berg y Neuber in Tomus Motteti e Psalmorum Selectorum, Quatuor et PlunUm Vocum (Nuremberg, 1553); and O salutaris Tertius hostiae published in Quintus Liber Mottetorum ad Quinque, et Sex, et Septem Vocem (Lyon, Moderne, 1542). J " jESSIE ANNOWENS,Composers at Work: The Craft of Musical Composition 1 4 5 0 U New York, Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 309. A 1600, N R u i z

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rigour and on the assumption that the similar problems faced all composers, her preliminary ndings based prhnarily on sketch material will benet from further expansion. The lute's role is recognised, but the discussion only hints at the more central role of the lute as a tool in polyphonic composition. Owens speculates, for example, that some composersPalestrina among themmay have used the lute to sketch out the harmonic framework of compositions, a point that certainly invites further investigation. She also discusses the scant sketch material that combines tablature and mensural notation, possibly the work of Guillaume Morlaye, and suggests the possible role of the lute in harmonisation.' 2 Suchevidence offers little more than tantalising beginnings. Insufcient information about sixteenth-century musicians has been gathered that might indicate how many polyphonists were lutenists and vice versa. The fragmentary information currently at our disposal inclines me to suspect that a considerable number of recreational lutenists will emerge from the ranks of polyphonic singers and composers. Conversely, it is certainly true that lutenists from the 1530s onwards set themselves very similar musical and aesthetic goals to those of vocal composers.
Intabulations and transmission

The initial impetus for this study came not from a concern about the lute's role in the creative act of composition, but from the other end of the process, from intabulations and, in particular, intabulations of vocal works whose models no longer exist. One of the fundamentals of the sixteenth-century lutenist's art was the ability to unravel the polyphonic voice leading of music written in tablature, a notation system in which voices are not distinguished from one another. Modern lutenists acquire the same skill as modem editors who produce polyphonic mensural transcriptions of music from tablature sources. Moreover, for many lutenists, agood measure of the pleasure of playing the lute emanates from the process of reconstructing the polyphony during performance. Lutenists learnt to do this while playing simple dances, abstract fantasias and ricercars, as well as when they played intabulations. In playing instrumental arrangements of music that was already known to them, sixteenth-century lutenists could interpret the music with phrasing and structural articuu OWENS, pp. 150-153.

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lation derived from their knowledge of the text, and could distinguish the voices from one another using their prior knowledge of the polyphonic web.

Lutenists today learn many of the same skills that were practised by sixteenth-century players, among them the ability to decode in a credible fashion the polyphony of intabulated vocal works, including works whosemodels are no longer extant. It is exactly the sameprocess that is involved in deciphering a ricercar transmitted only in tablature notation. This effectively places them at the end of a transmission chain that starts in the sixteenth century and, like any skilled tablature reader of the time,
they are able to receive and comprehend polyphonic works notated in

phonic settings of secular texts were largely the work of composers employed within the church, composers such as Visquez, Guerrero, Ceballos, and many more, perhaps even Morales. But not many survive. Had Guerrero not published a volume of his madrigals adapted a lo divino in 1589, we would hardly have any of his secular music." There are only

this format. This observation may seem provocative in that it includes contemporary musicians in the chain of transmission and reception that commenced in the sixteenth century, whereas as scholars, we tend to see ourselves as neutral observers, temporally distant from the practices of the remote past. More specically, it also leads to question often asked among scholars of instrumental music as to why it is that lute and vihuela tablatures are excluded from consideration in the study of the transmission of polyphonic repertory. After all, the vast majority of surviving sixteenth-century intabulations are not the highly embellished beyond some modest formulaic cadential decoration, their original structure is not distorted, and their encoded polyphony was understood by the musicians who played them in former times. Moreover, for those concerned with contemporary issues such as music reception, music outside the mainstream, musical peripheries and urban music making, tablature sources provide a wealth of information that complements and enhances printed and manuscript sources in mensural notation. In the case of Spanish secular music, for example, this question has particularly relevant implications due to the surprisingly smdll size of what must have once been a substantially larger repertory. Spanish poly-

two pieces by Ceballos, and the only secular music possibly by Morales is

1 3 FRA NCIS COGU E R R E R O,Canciones y Villanescas Espirituales, ed. Vicente Garcia and Miguel Querol, Barcelona, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientcas, 1955 ( de Espatiolo, M la o Msica nume n t o s 16).
7

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aromance transmitted in tablature by Fuenllana.I phonic Spanish some one hundred secular 4 A l sources, ongs i d e tablatures t h conserve e pi not survive in their original notational format. Why is this peces othat l doy so? Little information survives concerning the original sources, and why do they not survive, and there are few clues regarding the type of sources used by the vihuelists, especially the recreational amateurs like Pisador and Daza who would have had limited access to polyphonic manuscripts prepared for use in noble circles. There is no evidence that these works were ever printed, but their presence in vihuela tablatures suggests that they must have circulated amongst musicians and amateurs in manuscript form. There is no evidence to suggest that they circulated in tablature format, but rather that surviving intabulations are the work of the compilers of the books in which they were published. Regarding these alleged manuscripts, probably cheaply produced fair copies, we have no indication of their reliability either in terms of their musical texts or composer attributions. A lone tiple partbook, possibly of this kind, is conserved in the Museo Lzaro Galdiano in Madrid, although it may equally have been the case that secular works circulated as individual pieces or groups on single sheets in choirbook format." It is interesting to speculate, although I cannot offer any substantial conclusions, whether it was from such manuscripts that better pedigreed manuscripts such as the Cancionero de Medinaceli were copied, or if the process was the reverse. It is noteworthy, however, that several of the works previously known only through the Cancionero de Medinaceli are also found in the Galdiano partbook, and that the versions are very closely related in musical detail: Similarly, the presence of nine of the pieces from the Galdiano partbook in published vihuela intabulations contributes towards the hypothesis of a manuscript tradition that remains beyond our reach. Of the ten works in question, one is found in Fuenliana's tablature, but this is not surprising given that he spent most of his life in courtly employment, and had probably been in the service of the Marquesa de Tarifa during the period in which aphenica Lyra was compiled.' 6 It i s m o r e d i " ROB f cNOW u ,The l tExtant Musictof Rodrigo o E RTS de Ceballos and its Sources, Detroit, Information Coordinators, 1980 (40etroit Studies in Music Bibliography, 44). The romance attributed to Morales by Puentlana, De Antequera sale el morowaspublished in MIGUELDE NENI-LANA, Libro de Musica de Vihuela, intitulado Orphenica lyra, Seville, Martin de Montesdoca, 1554; rpt. Geneva, Minkoff, 1981, fol. 145; modem edition in Otphinica Lyra, ed. Charles Jacobs, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1978, p. 805. ' 1 6The work in question is Francisco Guerrero, Ojos claros, serenos (aphenica Lyra, fol. 5 143) found both in the Cancionero de Medinaceli (NI" 1.) and the Galdiano partbook. M a d r i

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nd a plausible explanation how Esteban Daza might have acquired the eight works included in El Parnasso (1576) that are concordant with the Galdiano manuscript if it were not by the existence of such a tradition as that I have suggested.' 7 Palestrina, Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede When I commenced writing the present article my intention was to cement the nexus between the lute and the polyphonist by reconstructing a lost lost vocal work from a lute tablature, or at least a work preserved in incomplete form in extant vocal sources. Such an exercise serves to demonstrate in a highly practical way the validity of intabuladons as sources of vocal music despite their different notational format. Not only valuable in tertns of the recuperation of a lost work, such a reconstruction would also make the point that sixteenth-century musicians familiar with lute tablature would also have been able to comprehend the polyphonic nature of works they read or played from tablatures. Following on from an earlier reconstruction of a villancico by Rodrigo Ceballos from a tablature source," I set out to reconstruct Palestrina's incomplete madrigal Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede, known until very recently only from tenor and bass parts preserved in Barr's I l terzo libro dele Muse (Rome, 1562)." It was only after completing this reconstruction that I became aware of a surviving copy of the reprint of II terzo libro delle Muse (Venice, Francesco Rampazetto, 1563), and it was only while in Rome consulting this source that the publication of the modem edition of the madrigal in the most recent volume of Palestrina's Opere corn" Rodrigo Ceballos, Pues ya las claras fuentes (Galdiano 648, fol. 15; El Parnasso, fol. 84), Dam mal terrible llanto* (Galdiano 648, fol. 17; El Pamasso, fol. 91v) and Dime manso viento* (Galdiano 648, f. 14v; El Parnass, fol. 93); Francisco Guerrero, Prado verde y orido* (Galdiano 648, fol. 21v; El Parnasso, fol. 83) and Esclareda Juana* (Galdiano 648, fol. 30; El Parnasso, fol. 90v); Juan Navarro, Ay de mi sin ventura* (Galdiano 648 fob. 28v-29, El Parnasso, fol. 85v) and No ves amor* (Galdiano 648, fol. 2, El Parnasso, fol. 89); and Pedro Ordoiiez, Ay fortuna cruel (Galdiano 648, fol. 22v-23, El Parnasso, fol. 77v). The titles indicated with an asterisk (*) are also concordant with the Cancionero de Medinacell. 1 8For this reconstruction of Ceballos' Pues ya las claras fuentes from Esteban Daza's El Parnass (1576), see JOHIIGRIFFITHS, The Transmission of Secular Polyphony in Renaissance Spain, Esteban Daza, and Rodrigo de Ceballos, in Encomium Musicae: A Festschrift in Honor of Robert J, Snow, ed. David Crawford, New York, Pendragon Press, in press. " RISM 1562 books7 preserved in the British Library in London. These parts were used in the partial transcription of the madrigal edited in GIOVANNIPIERLUIGIDAP A LE S TRINA ,Werke, ed. F. X. Haber! T h e et al., .Leipzig, 1862-1907, vol. 33, p. 76. o n l y e x t a n t p a r t s o

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plete came to my attention." Even though the novelty vale of the tabla-

ture-based reconstruction has been lost, the work still serves to make the more signicant point about the role of intabulations in the transmission of vocal repertory during the sixteenth century. The only known intabulation of Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede is found in the Neapolitan lutebook Krak6w 40032 and is attributed not to Palestrina but to its intabulator Giulio Severino. was 2 compiled by an unknown lutenist-singer, initially in Naples and laterl in 'probably T h is aRome r g also, e during a twenty to thirty year period (c. 1580-c. 1610). Among its 350 works are some seventy intabulations, prina n t h o l o g y
cipally madrigals and chansons. Krak6w 40032 is one of the most impor-

tant documents concerning lute playing in late-sixteenth century Naples, and is a key to establishing links of musical interchange between instrumentalists from Naples, Rome, Parma and Spain!' It is a major source for the works of the Neapolitans Fabrizio Dentice and Giulio Severino, Santino Garsi from Parma, and the Roman maestro Lorenzino. On account of this Roman connection the manuscript also has numerous concordances with the lute music collected in Rome by Lorenzino's student Jean Baptiste Besard that forms the basis of his Thesaurus harmonicus. 23 Among the intabulations in Krak6w 40032, Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede is indicative of the strong musical links between Naples and Rome. Severino's intabulation is likely to have been drawn from the original 1562 Roman print published by Antonio Barr, a former papal singer turned publisher with close ties to Orlando di Lasso and the circle of exiled Neapolitans in Rome including the Dentices and the book's

" The sole extant copy of the Rampazetto reprint (RISM 1563 del Conservatorio di .xSanta Cecilia in Rome. The madrigal is edited in Giovanni Pierluigi da 9 Palestrina, Opere complete, vol. 35, tomo 2, ed. Lino Bianchi and Giancarlo Rostirolla, Rome, ) Italiano i s h per e llad n Musica, t 1999, h pp. e 577-578. The editions in this volume do Istituto Storia idella B i in b the l Palestrina i o t e c list a in the second edition of The New Grove Dictionary of not appear work Music and Musicians, London, Macmillan, 2001. I am grateful to Agostino Ziino for drawing the new modem edition to my attention. 2 1Krak6w, Biblioteka Jagiellonska MS Mus. 40032, p. 117. Perhaps a decade or more after the death of its owner, the book was bought by a German and eventually was acquired by the Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, where it remained until 1941. Lost during World War II, the manuscript is now in the library of the Jagiellonian University. An inventory is given in DIE TE RKritscH and LENZME IE ROTT, Berliner Lautentabulaturen in Krakau, Mainz, Schott, 1992. 2 2 A modem edition of the manuscript is currently being prepared by Dinko Fabris and John Grifths and should be ready for publication in 2003. 2 3JEANBAPTISTEBESARD,Thesaurus harmomCus divini Laurencini romani, necnon praestantissimorum MUSkOrtiM, qui hoc secuLo in diversis orbis partibus excellunt, selectissima omnis generis cantus in testudine modulamina continens, Cologne, Greuenbach, 1603; rpt. Geneva, Minkoff, 1975.

THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST

dedicatee Don Indico Piccolomini, Duke of Amal merous Roman works the anthology contains Neapolitan madrigals by Luigi Dentice, Domenico da Nola, " I n a d Giovanni d i t i o n t o and Stefano Lando. intabulator 2 n u of - Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede, Giulio Severino, together with his brothers Pompeo and Giovanni Antonio and their fa' T h e ther Vicencello, are all listed by Cerreto among the most famous Neapolitan lutenists. Neapolitan viola da mano. A further eight works by Giulio Severino are 26 extant to his intabulation of Palestrina's madriga1. w e in r addition e Severino, however, 27 G io u l i o was not only a renowned lutenist, but also a composk n er of vocal polyphony. Among his known vocal compositions are madriw s in n Pietro Vinci's Madrigali libro primo (Venice, 1561) and other colgal lections," a and settings of Spanish sonnets by Garcilaso de la Vega.2 9The Spanish settings are indicative of Severino as a nexus between Naples s and The number and length of his Spanish sojourns is unknown, Spain. d but his playing of the eight-course lute was praised in 1599 by the Sevile painter l l Francisco Pacheco as the best that was known in those lian a times." Severino died in Spain in 1583 in service of the Spanish royal v i o l 2 4 See a DONNAG.CARDAMONE,Orlando di Lasso and Pro-French Factions in Rome, in Orkindus Lassus and his Time: Colloquium Proceedings Antwerpen 24-26.08.1994, ed. I. Bossuyt et , al., Peer, Alamire, 1994, pp. 23-47. 3This publication therefore possibly forms another link in the chain of associations bep 2 l and Rome at the time when the villanella alla napoletana had just passed the tween Naples height of its popularity there. SeeDONNACA RDA M ONE ,The salon as marketplace in the 1550s: a y patrons and collectors of Lasso's secular music, in Orlando di Lasso Studies, ed. Peter Bergquist, e York, r Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 64-90, and EAD., The Prince of Salerno and New the Dynamics of Oral Transmission in Songs of Political Exile, vActa Musicologica, s pp. 77-108. 1995, o 2 6SCIPIONECE RRE TO, Della prattica musicale, vocale et strumentale, Naples, 1601; rpt. Bologna: Forni, 1969, pp. 157-159. Only Giovanni Antonio was still alive at the time Cerreto's f was published. That Giulio, Pompeo and Giovanni Antonio were brothers is conrmed book by the reference to <di tre fratelli Severino in the list of Neapolitan musicians in CAMILLO TutNE TI , La Porta di S. Giovanni in Lateran (1644) cited in KUM LARSON, The Unaccompanied Madrigal h in Naples from 1536 to 1654, PhD diss., Harvard University, 1985, Appendix E, pp. 916-919. e 2 1These works are found in Krak6w 40032, the Siena lutebook, and MOLINARO, Intavola. tura d di liuto, i libro primo, Venice, 1599. Together with the sole extant work by Giovanni Antonio Severhio, these are included in J.GRIFFITHSand D. FARRIS,The Lute Music o/ Fabrizio Dentice s and his t Neapolitan Circle (see note 9). 2 8 RISM 1568 i 2nd n edition Grove (2001). 12 a n d c 2 t 9Valladolid 1 5 9 9 ' Cathedral, MS 17, includes the tenor parts of his settings of Garcilaso's well-known l 8 y sonnets O ms dura que marmol and Pasando el mar Leandro.
3 0 FRA NCIS COP A CHE CO, Libro de descripcin de verdaderos Retratos de Illustres y Memora. bles varones, (unpublished MS, Seville, 1599; rpt. Seville, Previsin Espaola, 1983), retrato 47, pp. 200-201. S eSeverino is cited as excelente msico de ocho rdenes, y el mayor que se conoe P I E R P A O L

102

GRIFFTrHS

family." While these details are of marginal importance to the discussion, they underscore his international reputation as both as a lutenist and a polyphonist. In this case, therefore, we have a relationship that operates in both directions: a composition made by a polyphonist-lutenist intabulated by a lutenist-polyphonist. The intabulations of systematic workers are not difcult to unravel with precision. By comparing the vocal model and Severino's intabulation of gDa poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede it is clear that the lutenist's intention was to produce an unadorned arrangement, a short score in tablature. The intabulation therefore serves the purpose of demonstrating the exactitude with which lutenists made intabulations. An understanding of the intabulation process can elucidate the nature of the end product. In this regard, the method used by the Severino accords with the method proposed in the Neapolitan treatise by Bartolomeo Lieto and also with the Spanish practice found in the vihuela repertory and codied by Bermudo. some aspects 32 T h e sof ethe mechanics of intabulation." Preliminary to making an intabulation, some fundamental practical decisions need to be made. t h e o r e t Bermudo explains how to put the polyphonic parts into mensurally noi c a l format, dividing the music into tactus units if necessary. He tated score then advis es the a c c o vihuelist to scan the notation of the original to ascertain its u range, n tand s determine where to place it on the instrument. pi with a range 34 F o rr a of seventeen notes suchas Da poi che io vidi vostra falaece safede (G-b"), Bermudo advises that the lowest note be placed on the e rst or second frets of the sixth course (V1/1 or VI/2), and thus the highest u note swill be at the fth fret on the rst course (1/5). This exactly what occurs f in Severino's intabulation: its range is V1/2 to 1/5, his lowest note e (G) one tone above the lowest note of the lute. Lutes, however, were u l commonly tuned in G or Aor at least perceived to be tuned in these i n c16en aquellos tiempos and whose lute playing (taido de vihuela) was imitated on the monae xthe organist p Franci cordio by sco Peraa. " FARRIS, Da Napoli a Parma cit., p. 47. l a i 3 2 B OM LETO, Dialogo quarto di musica dove si ragiona sotto un piacevole discorso n iARTOL n EO delle cose pertinenti per intavolare le opere di musica et esercitarle con la viola a mano over to Naples , 1559 (rpt., ed. Patrizio Barbieri, Lucca, Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1993). g

" Bermudo discusses the entire process in the Libro Quarto of his Declaracion, caps. 54 86. For S P INOS A ,Juan Bermudo 'On , a parallel Spanish-English text of this material, seeDAWNE Playing the Vihuela' ('De taker vihuela') from Declaracipn de instrumentos musicales (Osuna, - a new translation with commentary, published as a monographic volume of the Journal 1555): of the Lute Society of America, XXVITE-)0C0C, 1995-1996. B E R M U D O,Declaracion, cap. 70 oDe algunos presupuestos para cifrar fols. 98v-99; trans. in ESPINOSA,Juan Bermudo 'On Playing the Vihuela', pp. 55-60.

THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST

pitches whatever their real soundbut this intabulation assumes the lute to be in F. This raises another interesting question about the way lutenists adapted vocal polyphony to their instrument. The primary purpose of Bermudo's chapters on his so-called seven vihuelas is to assist players make intabulations and adjust the frets for each piece using a modied Pythagorean temperament." In effect, Bermudo instructs players to use a system of mental transposition by which the instrument is imagined to be in a particular pitch irrespective of its real pitch. Rather than transposing the music, the pitch of the open strings was mentally transposed, using the xed intervals of the lute or vihuela's normal tuning (4th-4th-major 3rd-4th-4th) above any note chosen to be the lowest on the instrument: G, A, B, C, and so on. Naturally, this method gives the same result as the alternative practice of transposing the music to a suitable okey and then placing the transposed music on an instrument with a xed tuning. If guided by the range of the piece, the F-tuning of the lute that resulted from Severino's choice was a secondary outcome. Once established, however, the lutenist still had the task of constructing the tablature itself, transferring the mensural score to tablature format. To assist in this, Bermudo advised novices in particular to construct ngerboard diagrams such as the one he gives for the tuning Severino used, his vihuela in Fehut (fol. 106). Such visual aids are less likely to have been necessary for experienced players. It is impossible to derive from the tablature itself whether Severino's method was to change the music to the instrumento or change the instrtunent, to paraphrase Bermudo. changing 36 H a the d music, he would simply have had to transpose Palestrina' music S se v eup ra i whole n o tone to accommodate it in the same way onto a lute in standard G-tuning." What is of greater signicance is that the rea h process i e is vane d sult c of the intabulation that sits well under the hand. In this h sense, intabulations i s involving some kind of transposition constitute a form of r e arrangement, s u and l one t of the consequences of the process is that such employ the common chord shapes and patterns b pieces typically y of left hand progressions that were virtually intuitive to experienced

3 5See ANTONIOCORONA -A LCA LDE ,Fray Juan Bermudo and his Seven Vibuelas, The Lute, XXIV, 1984, pp. 77-86. 3 6B E RMUDO,Declaracion, fol. 90v: cAhora hay msicos, que non contentos con mudar la msica para la vihuela: sino dexan estar la como la hallan, y mudan las vihuelas. " Concerning these alternate views regarding adapting polyphonic music to the lute, see joHN WARD, Le problme des hauteurs dans la musique pour lath et vihuela au XVI' sicle, Le Luth et sa Musique, ed. Jacquot, Paris, CNRS, 1957, pp. 171-178.

104

JOHN GRIFFITHS

lutenists. Severino's intabulation does just this: it uses a common vocabulary of chord positions, it is placed in a comfortable and manageable place on the ngerboard, and it uses a good number of open strings that lessen the burden on the instrumentalist's left hand and promote a uid performance. In a literal transcription such as Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede, and one in which the intabulator has made judicious decisions regarding transposition, few modications of the original music are required for the purpose of instrumental arrangement. Severino's choice of transposition precluded the need to revoice chords or make other compromises due to idiomatic limitations. His changes, indicated in the accompanying score in boxes, are only minor and may summarised thus: 1. chromatic changes: omission of printed accidentals [bar 1 (A), b. 8 (A), b. 15 (T), b. 22 (A)] addition of musica cta [b. 9 (B), b. 11 (A), b. 12 (A), b. 16 (S)] 2. correction of a perceived source error [b. 2 (T)] 3. probable misreadings of the source [b. 5 (all voices), b. 21 (A)] 4. modications made for practical or idiomatic reasons: rhythmic modication due to the limitations of tablature notation Ebb. 3-4 (all voices), due to the difculty of indicating notes tied over barlines] octave transposition of abass note [b. 10] simplication by omission of a passing note [b. 11 (T)] modication to avoid an unnecessarily difcult left-hand ngering [ an 1 awkward string crossing appear to have been modications for this 3 purpose]. . further change is less clearly motivated. It is impossible to deOne 1 whether the substitution of a sonority based on D in bar 22 termine (beat 3) 8 for one based on E-at in the sourcewas a) already changed in the source from which Severino copied, b) a deliberate change made by ( him, c) a misreading, or d) a harmonic simplication aimed at technical T ease. Bearing these modications of the Urtext in mind, the parallel ) transcription of both vocal model and Severino's lute intabulation shows the exactitude of the instrumental translation of the vocal model and the . way itB might have been construed by lutenists who were able to unravel o t h

THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST

105

the encoded polyphony. It reects Severino's concern, not uncommon among instrumentalists, for preserving the integrity of the model while creating a playable instrumental version. His arrangement exemplies the ability of instrumental tablature to transmit vocal polyphony, particulady in an age in which tablature notation was widely understood by composers, professional musicians and amateurs alike. It is a small example of the proximity of lute music to vocal polyphony, of the lutenist to the polyphonist.

106

JOHN GRIFFITHS

Da poi ch'io vidi vostra falsa fede

Vocal source: Il terzo libro delle Muse (Venice, 1563), fol. 16 Lute source: P: Kj Mus. 40032, p. 117
2
a n t o I Ma N M , i 1 1 N . . . M N m B E E N .* i i n 1 . 1 Iblin M E I N k t t

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THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST

107
11
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n M d = i . A , 1 d dr , a l a n t . . . k a l M M P , .o . . . l i d a d . 1 M M a l k a i l a _ M . . . . k ME M a , S P R , . . . . = a $ a MO 1 M M = I n AM M E r - minar M aa , a l . . . . . , , . M i E d . , e m alig E M _ a M ialladin 1 mlo OM I M = M m a . . - ME MME I , a a M E M . .ladm d . a la m a m m a dm , a m m l g a r , = M a M dnia , r 1 .1 = M M . . . O a . M . o l . . . . 1 = 1 * * 1 0 a = 1 1 M 1 0 . . d a m k a . . = 1 . . . =. = = dM .,0 , , . . . * M M E . .a . T3M 0b.M 1 _ . 1 , I M d d u a l i M IM E ,m 1 E 1 .,1 E N E , M O w w w . , r a l l a m W i m m o m = , M e -, M d i t - M E t . M I I I M M U =I N =M E M N a t . . I O . d a l a a , . A ' . , 1 - M 1 . 1 . 1 M . I . i a ,mada alibliaN al N M E d

1 . 1 P M a = o l a . . & a. a d i l -a l i n a a a4. cm m . , 1 1 1 = - - , m m m . , i I m a d a f mom I n n u m m I ma m m m i m e m o m a m , . N mm m m l Ai d a r m . . m i h w i o. p

i s

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ENI I I I I MI EMEr . m i 0 0 1 1 M L I O I M = M g o m i l a m m a 1 - '. m i l l i m p i l l 0 M I N I I 1 0 1 1 M M E O f = . . - . w hi g 4., . . . p p ' m E M E i l i m p p RE JE . f . . m i AM NEM PE = 1 1 M p l , I m e ao. . , m i m f f 10.o.MMPIO I . , p w i pEoMmO NI MEN=MO NI M 1 , , ,p f f f - / , , , I, . ---. , -, . . . , L i m m i l l M . . o o d I. E O m N = m 1M M M f . = I m mi O M P I O NS M E M S m otri a mO ffm O M P o 1l a 0 g ln omma . . m . , I l l i m . l . M f fe p Ff OMS , IIMME 'M M - e . p a m . - i m m - , mi m 1 0 6 , M 1 O m 0l o Mi tt. , * i f I m m - m , m t o mm m e m E n e o m r . m m i d a m k m Am I, E EL M d i l m . = i l l o m = m e m m o , M m A i t r t i l l O a l t M M . tM . = J I t / t M I I M M E M M O k 4 M 1 m . . 0 r IN ' p . .. , J P o n M M f , E M , l E N = , M . . m a m * - E E 1 . I M rl m 'M o f m . , m m . m m f o , 0 w o mm fm i imou mf M o m m u m m m t m m e pmmm e - *F m 1 Er f m f ; . 0 . . O m i m o h N i l o o m m i l l M I i = _ t = l ' = 4 0 1 -dim nO t M h t = M R , M , . 0 0 1 M M E M E E M M I I E R k 0 o , i t t l i 00 0 lm,f M m ..-,m 1 E , a n o n e , .f , iMO 1 tA tentn N N m o m , - . m m o m m 0 , 0 n o ,i m - O f o o Et O W M m M m = m , M E I 1 s M M a m mi y l M m o I M I a MW . = N r . I M E I N F I N A M E = A n i i U M P , , I nN 1 . 1m . 1 1 I ' t I I I M E l t d . , E 1 = 1 . M U N I I 1Mm FMOBOM P I E 0 = - , . . = M O= M M E i t A M P . I i = t E t l i l e n 0 00. t M ftt p lm = I M p m . , 1 0 = 1 1 1 M E M . E M m r m i l A m m i d M o i m a l E M .MoA . = , M E M O I N1 1 0 , 1 0 1 1 M t ,E . = , P I MM I I E-F 1 1 1 P I E M f, t -I M m M I o = I M E IM m o M r A o g N m l M M O , mo-_ i mi O O M Of I m o r m a i l ~ d M M I 0 0 0 0 m m. M t 1 m i n t I l h 1 4 , 1 6 1 1 1 A M& I n M A t E , M m itm a J I M. = , . , l i m m i m m o n miabloollo p 11 M , ,, 1 A t " = M W A E , 1 1 0 0 . . M E N I N !. O M M 'P t. = i : , . O r m , , 1 1 1 m = 1 M N m i M 1 1 1 1 . 1 1 1 1 . m m m . I O M M = m o l o o r o m m Wo 1 m oMm.IIM , mMENENEmom 1 0 r . M E,m p m m - y o - I m m i l i m a i m p , . . - f. m El m . f m - m f r o m m O n m i b M f o f f o Imn imm 'o . i - - . Amr em -momode a m. 1 1 i - , m f m N i O m i l m m m M m I i m m m . l i . m - . . w , l 1 . . . . m O , o P , f e = M . r m 6 . . f . M m m . x 1 i m 1 24 n , m m E , . M t IM O- t . a t i l M . z 1 . . . m id d E m m 0 0 . . . . ~ min E mul l k o n o m Ilmomum kOm , M , m , Emm = m , - n m i l M IM.m Il mE M f O M m EMEM Am I f i nm . s, m a f o m m l i m m I m MN A -m m , m . 1 n M M ~ M , m n o , I . l w l m o i p O M M = m . , pf m o m i m o i moi u n i m a n g ol o. om i . f t w m g i i ga mm. . . . . . m . MIN 0 O L S . , m m ri 2 NMS p i m= mm m . , f ..mp fa m a . Am , , S E M M O mn . m . - 0 m PM E M M a l d M. 4-411 ld n M I,iM k t A N I p Z _ M I I I M M . - M e l l t = 1 M t ,m M i Mm t A i = A 0 4 0 d i k m , m M e m , , o f m m . M l L , 7 I . , M a l , N t m f ,o f M d M p E i . L e =M d , f f = o ill M la blO 1 = M M I M P I E e Mn _. - m o M M I E M . 1 0 " . E =, = = . 1 . 0 MM tor . 1 - 7 = . M o k a dt Mi Ef m m pm , - L m m u Am - i m E . mu m - , o m . m u m k M e . o . M M I M , , 1 1 M ummmmi m m 10 , p l i1 p m p - Mg - I M M E n t Am M of T M S M E O N h N i m h ma e nr a d i = - V M a M a r . Ca . El ap m 1 m i 1 1 n E 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 i l m u m o o l d i l . t . . . p l e m m i . I I mmom m o p m b m m e m p , M p l m o -m - f - o Er m d , i l m , - d o m m i m m i m m i m o m i d - 0 1 nammo , m , mm , . m , m m n , m i l m Emf a m . . - m m , d m, . . mm 5 mo i m o o m m a m m m .. m o o n n o o mw m f m o o. , . . , , m 1 M I r w 1 I , m o 1 i d m . o o . , . , L i o M ...P e r 10 n M M = 7: i , . , , = . , b i r a p . m 1 , . T _ t . A e rL l ' . 1 1 1 _ -_ , 1 0 1 M M I I I I t V t T M I d l i tk a m b l d m ,M = O N I . . m E m m i m . 1 , . m 1 1 M M I t , . - . , . . I m m - Lo mmw omEmi ummoml E of . . -m, ow m , m m i d m f o N . . . . . , . M M . , m . . M a . i , . , . m " . o M . i M L a d I o o T r m r a . , 1 0

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