Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
To Victoria
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Foremost, I would like to acknowledge my beautiful parents, Donald and Mary Jo, as well as my entire family, especially Anna, Jacob, and Christopher, for encouraging my passions and embracing my adventurous spirit; for the many outings in the woods, walks in the parks, and enlightening conversations we shared; and for your unending support, guidance, acceptance, understanding, and perpetual love: I love you all. The lessons and wisdom of so many wonderful teachers and mentors are alive in this handbook; most recently my professors and advisors at College of the Atlantic Nishanta Rajakaruna, Scott Swan, Colin Capers, and Anne Kozak blessed me with their support, encouragement, and criticism. Several texts were invaluable in accomplishing this enquiry, in particular David Moermans Native American Ethnobotany, Frances Densmores How Indians Use Wild Plants for Food, Medicine & Crafts, and Alma R. Hutchens Indian Herbalogy of North America provided much wanted knowledge and wisdom. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge the Garden Club of America for awarding me the Zeller Summer Scholar in Medicinal Botany grant.
CONTENTS
Introduction Balsam Fir ~ Abies balsamea Baneberry ~ Actaea rubra Cattail ~ Typha latifolia Cedar ~ Thuja occidentalis Datura ~ Datura stramonium Fly Agaric ~ Amanita muscaria Indian pipe ~ Monotropa uniflora Kinnikinnck ~ Arctostaphylos uva-ursi Pink Ladys slipper ~ Cypripedium acaule Raspberry ~ Rubus idaeus var. strigosus Sarsaparilla ~ Aralia nudicaulus Sugar Maple ~ Acer saccharum White Birch ~ Betula papyrifera Wild Rice ~ Zizania palustris Yarrow ~ Achillea millefolium Yellow Bluebead lily ~ Clintonia borealis Literature Cited Glossary
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INTRODUCTION The Algonquian peoples respected and understood the significance of the plants they lived with. Developing relationships with the plants, the Algonquian found spiritual and physical nourishment in the plants potent properties. In drastic contrast to the industrialization that followed colonization, the Algonquians use of plants underlines a deep connection to nature that is spelled out in the ritual and mythology of the culture. This handbook reflects on the Algonquians use of various edible, medicinal, and spiritual plants and fungi native to their communities. The plants in this handbook have been collected, preserved, used, and shared communally in both traditional and modern ways to fully experience, appreciate, and understand their grace. Beyond functioning as a field guide to the flora of eastern North America, this handbook divulges traditional Algonquian preparations and mythology to elucidate the unique relationship between plants and people manifest in the culture of the Algonquian peoples. Northern Algonquian Camp:
http://www.civilization.ca/cmc/exhibitions/archeo/hnpc/images/npvol16b.jpg
The landscape of Algic dialects encompasses scores of distinct tribal groups all sharing the common thread of language. The Algonquian language family consists of the Cree, Montagnais, Naskapi, Ojibwa, Kickapoo, Menominee, Meskwaki, Miami, 4
Potawatomi, Shawnee, Abnaki, Passamaquaddy, Malecite, Micmac, Mohegan, Munsee, Powhatan, Nanticoke, Unami, Wampanoag, Arapaho, Gros Ventre, Blackfoot, and Cheyenne tribes. The Algonquian languages disseminated across northeastern North America, spreading to the northern plains of Canada, the Great Lakes, and beyond through the vast network of waterways traversing North America. The diversity of the tribes allowed for many variants of culture and tradition, the use of plants, and land management techniques shifted from tribe to tribe depending on climate, environment, and generational knowledge. However, widespread interrelations among tribes allowed for sharing of communal knowledge, revealed by parallel oral traditions.
http://www.cogsci.indiana.edu/farg/rehling/nativeAm/ling.html
By instituting an ecologically symbiotic relationship with nature, the Algonquian reciprocated the bounty of nature with a cultural perspective that preserved and revered the natural world (Black, 1980). Today, the eradication of diverse flora and the cultures perpetuating not only traditional knowledge and practice of plant use but also land management represents a major loss (Prance, 2007). Indigenous knowledge maintains its importance to modern society by implementing complex land management systems (Turner, 2009) and discovering myriad life-saving drugs such as Digitoxin, Reserprine, and Quinine (Ballick and Cox, 1996). This handbook collects the Algonquians historic traditions, archiving their unique use and management of various edible, medicinal, and spiritual plants native to northeastern North America. Society depends upon plants and the products created from them. Ethnobotany influences modern medicine, agriculture, and industry by providing tens of thousands of years of human observation and experimentation to modern progress. With the rapid disappearance of cultures and flora
across the globe, collecting ethnobotanical and ethnographical data is crucial to the imminent changes in land use and land management theories to be developed by future generations. The perspective of indigenous peoples will be invaluable to implementing continued progress. The outcome of this study, an amalgamation of local indigenous knowledge and modern scientific knowledge, will help to perpetuate traditional ecological knowledge in modern science and industry.
Beyond its medicinal use, the balsam fir maintained the role of panacea, promoting general well being, both physically and spiritually, as well as retaining ceremonial use in the sweat bath of the Ojibwa (Moerman, 1998). The Penobscot used boughs of the balsam fir to construct wigwams: once a conical frame was built, fresh balsam boughs, tips downward, were positioned across the supports to enclose the structure; on the coldest nights, they erected an interior lining of deerskin for added insulation (Prins, 2007). Oral Tradition: The Algonquin legend of the Great Chenoo tells the story of gigantic, wicked devils who descend from the icy expanses of the north. Also known as Kewahqu' or Kewoqu' to the Passamaquoddy, these cannibals with hearts of ice were created when small witches killed the great witch, and thus banished the great witchs remains a heart made of ice. Even dead, the fallen Kewahqu' fought one another. When they fought, their icy hearts grew as large as the trees, and the Kewahqu' uprooted the greatest trees which they crossed to batter each other with, desperately trying to conquer the others heart and add it to its own. The witches, terrifying, parasitic tricksters, were greatly feared among the Passamaquoddy. In the winter, one such legend goes, a crafty Chenoo used the resin of Abies balsamea to adhere moss, twigs, grass, and leaves to disguise its heart. The monstrous ice creature sneaked undetected into the home of a young family, their child asleep in the wigwam. The woman, whose husband was away hunting, realized her dire situation and treated the witch with the utmost hospitality to persuade it not to eat the boy and her alive. When her husband returned home from his hunt, the wife implored her husband to do nothing but accept the Chenoo as an uncle, for the witch was much too powerful and simply desired the loving warmth of the family. The Chenoo stayed in the wigwam for three days and nights, the entire time the family stoked the fire inside. At the end of the three days and nights, the Chenoos heart had melted and he became sick and weak. The family fed the Chenoo deer meat, and, the Chenoos strength revived, they all lived in peace as family until the Chenoo perished from the warmth of the following summer (Leland, 1992). Personal Experience: Growing up, my first memories of the Balsam Fir came during Christmas. Each year my family and I would decorate our living room with a Christmas tree. More memorable then the shining lights, strings of beads, and hand-made ornaments that adorned our familys tree were the yearly trips to cut down and collect our balsam fir. Some years, bundled in layers of wool and down, noses running, we would crunch through the snow looking for the rare and beautiful specimen that would grace our home for the Christmas season. Other years, the air fogged with our breath, the ground bare, we would traipse through acres and acres of perfectly planted rows, relishing the sweet, piney aroma of the firs not wanting to leave. My sister and I would blithely play hide-and-go-seek among the fir trees, readily chewing on their sappy twigs as if they were peppermint candy canes. Growing older, I took to the woods to hone my wilderness survival skills. Armed with a sharp knife and a box of matches, I tromped through the forest looking for a place to camp out. Collecting the last of the seasons raspberries to munch on overnight, I came to the edge of a creek. The clear water was cool and refreshing, and I set about collecting firewood and material for a shelter. I erected a pole frame for a lean-to,
gathered nearby vegetation to cover the bare skeleton, and stacked kindling and logs beneath the structure. As the sun set over the tops of the trees and disappeared behind the rolling hills, the land grew dark, and the cold, frigid night set in. I crawled beneath my protective lean-to and threw an armful of logs onto the fire until it blazed beside me. The roof insulated with ferns and clumps of soil and the ground insulated with boughs of balsam fir, my makeshift home made a cozy abode. My bed of fir boughs insulating me from the cold earth, I dreamt content as the fire danced its wild, visceral patterns across my resting bones.
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Oral Tradition: As the etymology suggests, baneberry produces a fruit that contains a poisonous toxin capable of death. The Algonquian peoples knew baneberry as cohosh, a term that comes from a Massachuset word, koshki, and translates, it is rough. Originally, this description identified the gnarled texture of the black cohosh (Actaea racemosa) root; however, the designation eventually denoted plants containing similar medicinal properties as the original: i.e. blue cohosh (Caulophyllum thalictroides), red cohosh (Actaea rubra), and white cohosh (Actaea pachypoda) (Needham, 2011).
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used the fuzz of the cattails flower to pad sores as they healed (Smith, 1923). The successful use of the cattail as a medicine relied upon the plants astringent, emollient, and detergent chemical properties; however, the cattails physical properties would further reward the Algonquian peoples. More than the plants nutritional and medicinal value, the cattail was prized as a trading commodity. The cattail provided two important materials to the Algonquian: strong, straight leaves, and soft, warm down, known as "bebamas'n" to the Ojibwa, meaning, it flies around. The down-like seeds gathered from the plant were used similarly among the tribes, primarily as bedding in the form of quilts, sleeping bags, and pillows (Densmore, 1974; Smith, 1923; 1928; 1932; 1933). The Chippewa and Potawatomi placed their newborn infants into a cradle of the soft down, and the Blackfoot fashioned diapers out of the catkins for their children (Moerman, 1998). The Cheyenne, Menominee, Potawatomi, Chippewa, Ojibwa, and Meskwaki all utilized the leaves of the cattail to construct baskets, and all but the Cheyenne constructed mats. Baskets were a valued possession and a useful trading item. Unlike mats made of rushes, constructing a mat of cattail required sewing the leaves of the plant together with a rib bone needle and nettle or basswood string; these mats were multi-layered and hung along the inside wall of the wigwam to weatherproof the lodge and protect its occupants from the wind, snow, and rain (Moerman, 1998; Densmore, 1974; Smith, 1923; 1928; 1932; 1933). By thatching the roofs of their lodges with these mats, the Menominee insulated their winter wigwams against drafts and melting snow (Smith, 1923). Beyond the use of the leaves and seeds, the Meskwaki, along with the Menominee, used the cattail root to caulk their canoes by wedging the root into the seams of the boat to fashion a watertight craft (Smith, 1923; 1928). The Cheyenne also used the leaves in their Sun Dance ceremony (Moerman, 1998), and the Ojibwa were said to have thrown the seeds of the plant at the faces of their enemies during war to blind them (Smith, 1932).
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bark of the tree into a mash and combining the plant matter with animal grease, a burn dressing was obtained. As an analgesic, the Penobscot created a compound poultice out of cedar bark to mitigate the healing of lacerations, and the Micmac inhaled the steam of a cedar infusion to cure headaches. Both the Micmac and Malecite treated tuberculosis by administering an infusion of the inner bark. The Micmac and Malecite also used the gum of the cedar tree to fill cavities and relieve tooth pain. Furthermore, the two tribes utilized the cedar to treat colds and coughs: the Micmac decocted the inner bark, bark, and stem to procure a healing tea for sore throats, and the Malecite made an infusion of cedars boughs to drink to ameliorate coughs. To relieve sore hands and feet, the Penobscot and Micmac applied a poultice of cedar leaves to the swollen or painful body part. The Penobscot also used cedar bark as a panacea for treating myriad troubles (Speck, 1917). To the west, the Algonquian tribes inhabiting the territory surrounding the Great Lakes the Chippewa, woodland Cree, Ojibwa, Menominee, Potawatomi, and Ojibwa revered the sacred cedar tree for, among other reasons, its medicinal effects. The Chippewa devised a compound drug including cedar charcoal that was pricked under the skin of the temples with needles made of bone to relieve severe headaches. The tribe administered another compound drug containing the leaves of the tree as a cough syrup to remedy colds and coughs (Densmore, 1974). The Chippewa brewed the leaves of the cedar into tea and served the drink as a hot beverage. The tribe also utilized the fragrant leaves of the tree as a deodorant and burned the aromatic twigs of the cedar during religious ceremonies as incense; cedar twigs were also burned to fumigate the lodges of families afflicted by smallpox (Moerman, 1998). The Ojibwa heralded the cedar as one of the two most important trees in the forest. During ceremonies, sacred artifacts and participants were purified with the smoke of cedar leaves. At the start of the ceremony, an elder placed dried cedar leaves on top of a plate of live coals; the elder then fanned the wafting smoke across the sacred objects and the participants, who gathered the incense with their hands and waved it over their bodies. The Ojibwa also utilized the analgesic properties of the tree and created an infusion of its leaves to treat headaches. The infusion of leaves was used to purify the blood, treat coughs, and drunk for enjoyment. During sweats, cedar leaves were often added to the water along with white pine (Pinus strobus), hemlock (Tsuga canadensis), and balsam fir (Abies balsamea) (Smith, 1923). The woodland Cree employed a panacea made from the powdered branches of the cedar along with various other herbs to treat a host of ailments. The tribe further utilized the trees branches to make a decoction taken by those with pneumonia; another decoction, utilizing both the leaves and branches of the tree, was administered to those suffering from urinary troubles and bladder pain (Moerman, 1998). The Menominee used the inner bark of the cedar tree to treat disrupted menstruation caused by a cold. When a woman suffered a cessation of menses due to a cold, the inner bark of the cedar was harvested, dried, and seeped to make a tea that was drank to free the menses and recommence menstruation. The Menominee not only used the inner bark to season medicines, thereby enhancing their palatability, but the tribe also applied a compound poultice, which included the dried, powdered leaves of the cedar to swollen parts of the body. To awaken those who lost consciousness, the tribe
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administered a smudge made of the cedar charcoal to the unconscious individual. Utilizing several plants, including white cedar, that contain diaphoretic properties, the Menominee created an infusion used in the sudatory known as "asapaki' tci. By combining the leaves of the yew (Taxus canadensis), hemlock, and cedar, the Menominee produced a potent infusion used to cure rheumatism, numbness, and paralysis. An individual suffering these ailments entered a sweat lodge containing a pot filled with the aforementioned herbs. Hot rocks were placed into the pot to boil the water and release a medicinal steam. Naked, the ill person would occupy the sweat lodge until the entire infusion was delivered (Smith, 1923). The Potawatomi used cedar as an adjuvant to improve the taste of bitter medicines and included the tree in a medicine used to stop hemorrhages. An acerbic medicine said to taste like bile, the remedy contains the heartwood of ironwood (Ostrya virginiana), the root of sweet flag (Acorus calamus), the root bark of shining willow (Salix lucida), and the heartwood of the cedar tree. The plant matter is placed in water and boiled until half the water evaporates, then a spoonful of the bitter remedy is taken hourly until the bleeding stops. The tribe also employed the leaves of the plant in combination with various roots and leaves of medicinal herbs in different poultices regularly used to treat illnesses. Lastly, the Potawatomi created a smudge by charring cedar wood and used this smudge to purge any evil spirits inhibiting the recovery of an ill person from them; the cedar smudge was also employed to purify sacred items (Smith, 1933). Beyond its medicinal tradition, the cedar tree was an essential construction material. The Chippewa employed the strong, rot-resistant wood of the cedar to form the ribs of their canoes, to frame their toboggans for winter travel, and to make spears for fishing sturgeon on the Great Lakes and their surrounding tributaries. Cedar leaves were also a prized perfume (Moerman, 1998). A pleasing and fragrant incense, the Ojibwa burned cedar to gain the favor of their archetypal hero, Winabojo (Smith, 1932). A utilitarian building material, the tribe used the light, straight wood of the cedar to fashion the frames of their canoes, and the bark of the tree made an excellent weaving material used by the Ojibwa and the Menominee to make bags and baskets (Moerman, 1998). By placing cedar leaves among layers of clothes, the Menominee warded off moths (Smith, 1923). Employed as a source of light, the Potawatomi rolled the bark of the tree into torches when hunting at night. In the Northeast, the Micmac, Malecite, and Algonquin all employed the strong, straight-grained wood to construct their canoes. The light, waterresistant wood was made into slats and ribs to form the skeleton of the canoe. The Malecite used the straight-grained, and therefore easily split wood, to make splints for their baskets. Both the Micmac and the Malecite used cedar wood to make hunting arrows, and the bark was used to tan hides. The Micmac also employed the cedar as a source of fuel, using the wood as kindling to start fires (Moerman, 1998). Oral Tradition: What follows is an epic myth illuminating the spiritual magnitude of the cedar to the Chippewa; The Legend of Winabojo and the Cedar Tree, as recorded by Frances Densmore on the White Earth Reservation in northern Minnesota: Many generations ago after Winabojo disappeared from the earth he lived on an island toward the sunrise. The direction of the sunset indicates death, but Winabojo was still alive and he lived in the east toward the sunrise. He could not be destroyed because he 20
was manido, neither could he be permitted to roam at will as he had done, so he was placed on this island to stay there as long as the earth endures. At that time there was a man who had only one daughter and she died. He felt that he could not live without her and kept telling his friends that he wanted to go to the spirit land and get his daughter. He was told that if he could find Winabojo he would learn the way to the spirit land, for Winabojo was the only one who could tell him. So he talked it over with the other Grand Medicine man, and five of them said they would go to the spirit land with him if they could first find the way to Winabojo. They went to the graves of their friends and called to their spirits. Finally they got a response. They asked, Can we find Winabojo? And the spirits of their friends answered, Yes, for he is still on the earth. Then the spirits told them how to find him. They went until they came to this island, far in the great lake (Superior). There they found Winabojo. He was too old to travel, and on his head was a beautiful cedar tree. Winabojo wore the cedar tree as an ornament and its roots were all around him. Beside him was a great round stone. One of the men asked if he could live always, as Winabojo was doing. Winabojo replied, No. You can only live your allotted years. The only way you can become perpetual is by becoming a stone. The man said, Yes. I will do so. Then the man became a stone and remained with Winabojo. The others wanted to go to the spirit land. Winabojo gave each of them a snake chain and told them to be sure not to untie these chains from around their waists. He said, You must stay only four days and four nights. You will not see the spirits by day, but at night they have a dance in the long wigwam. Go in quietly and sit down. To the father he said, Your daughter is there. Watch for her at the dance of the spirits in the long wigwam. Perhaps she will come and you will see her. Carry a bag with you. Put her in the bag and hold her tight. This is the only way in which you can get her. The Grand Medicine men did as Winabojo told them to do. There were only five remaining, as one had been turned into a stone. They went to the land of the spirits and sat quietly, watching the dance of the spirits in the long wigwam. All went well until the second day when one of the men wanted to untie his snake chain and see what would happen. He did this, and in a moment he became a spirit and his friends never saw him again. The remaining four men went to the dance every night and the father watched for his daughter. On the fourth night toward morning he saw her come into the wigwam. Her head was covered by her blanket but he recognized her, and when she came near he grasped her in his arms. She struggled, but by the help of his friends he got her into the bag. Then they all returned to Winabojo, and he told them how they could get her back to the earth. He told them to start on their way, and when night came they were to tie the bag in a safe place, then retrace their steps as far as a persons voice could be heard and make their camp. They were told to do this every night until they reached home. They did as Winabojo had instructed them and reached home safely. Winabojo had told them to make a sweat lodge and they made it. He also said there must be no crying nor wailing. Inside the sweat lodge he made a bed of cedar boughs and on it he laid the bag that he had brought from the spirit land. He did everything as Winabojo had commanded and sat down outside the lodge. After a while he heard his daughter say, Come and let me out. He went into the lodge, untied the bag, and his daughter came out. He greeted her, but there was no outcry, as Winabojo had commanded. Then his daughter was the same as before she went to the spirit land. (Densmore, 1974)
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The Lenni Lenape, or Delaware, utilized the hallucinatory power of Datura stramonium to manifest divine inspiration. Medicine men attained oracular visions by consuming the psychoactive entheogen. The ensuing delirium produced extraordinary visions and insights that foretold the weaknesses of their enemies and revealed hidden truths (Baskin, 1967). Many Californian peoples utilized Datura similarly, drinking fermented infusions of the mashed roots or seeds to attain prophetic divinations. The brew, known as toloache, was also administered to the youth of the tribes during ritual dances initiating adolescents into manhood. The intoxicated youth would dance in wild circles around the fire until they became unconscious (Safford, 1920). Often an animal or life itself would be witnessed during the episode. If an animal were seen, the adolescent adopted the creature as medicine: the animal, believed to be the individuals guardian, could never be killed by the individual, less it save him in a time of need. If life itself were beheld, a ghost would become the protector of the adolescent: a desired guardian for one could never kill a ghost (Schultes & Hoffman, 1995). The use of Datura during puberty initiation rituals was common to Native American tribes inhabiting the west as well as the east coast of North America. Most notoriously, the Virginia Algonquin and other Algonquian peoples used Datura stramonium in an ancient coming-of-age ritual, the huskanawing ceremony (Safford, 1920). Used as a ceremonial hallucinogen, a decoction of Datura stramonium roots, known as wysoccan, literally it is bitter, was imbibed by the tribes youth upon gaining virility (Schultes & Hoffman, 1995; Simpson, 2001). Performed every 14 to 16 years, the liminal ceremony initiated promising adolescents into manhood, preparing them to occupy positions of leadership within the tribe. Only the most capable and auspicious youth, already having proven their prestige while hunting or travelling, partook in the ceremony (Safford, 1920). The initiates were sequestered in special longhouses or lattice enclosures for as long as three-to-four months at a time and given nothing to eat or drink except the intoxicating decoction of Datura stramonium roots. A caretaker, appointed by the Elders, watched the boys, isolated in cages made of young saplings deep in the woods (Safford, 1920). The caretaker slowly increased the potency of the decoction of roots, driving the adolescents into a suspended period of psychosis and delirium for 18 to 20 days (Davis, 1985). By this time the adolescents were stark raving mad from starving and hallucinating. During this extraordinary trial, the young adolescents unlived their former lives, forgetting past inhibitions, childhood memories, even their own language. The philosophy of the ritual stems from the undoing of the past in order to become a man without childish imperfections and emotions. The unlearning allowed the men to receive new impressions about the world and the society they served (Safford, 1920). Before the affects of the drug wore off, the former adolescents, now men, returned home. Without a remembrance of their language, they were unable to speak, and without a remembrance of their parents, they did not know their own family. Slowly, the men regained sanity. Their keepers kept strict watch over them, and for a time the men did not speak or react to their surroundings. More so, if they expressed any remembrance of their former lives, any at all, they would be forced to undergo the huskanawing ceremony again. Rarely did individuals survive a second ceremony: the amount and potency of
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wysoccan administered became lethal. After re-learning their language and the traditions of their people, the men could occupy powerful positions in the society as officers, warriors, healers, and priests (Safford, 1920). Medicinally, Native American healers applied Datura stramonium externally as an anodyne to bruises, swellings, and burns to relieve pain and inflammation (Vogel, 1970). The anticholinergic effects of the herb made it a useful and potent medicine. Due to its fat solubility, the tropane alkaloids present in Datura may be easily absorbed through the skin or mucous membranes (Armstrong, 1998). To garner its analgesic effects, the healers made a poultice of crushed leaves that was bound externally to the affected part of the body. In rare circumstances, a poultice of fresh Datura leaves was applied externally to sores or bruises on horses or other animals. More so, due to its ability to inhibit secretions of the lungs and sinus, the dried leaves of Datura stramonium were smoked to relieve asthma (Hutchens, 1991). The traditional uses of Datura informed modern society of the medicinal value of the herb, leading to its incorporation into modern medicine. Today, Datura stramonium remains unscheduled by the United States government, and the herb maintains modern economic and medicinal value due to its chemical repository. Datura stramonium contains trace levels of atropine, a valuable compound used in ophthalmology. A muscle relaxant, atropine dilates the pupil. More importantly, atropine resuscitates individuals suffering cardiac arrest from low blood pressure. Until the onset of the twentieth century, a prescription of morphine and scopolamine containing plants, such as Papaver somniferum and Datura stramonium, were employed in surgery and prescribed to reduce severe pain and inflammation (Armstrong, 1998). However, since Datura stramonium contains deadly toxins that not only cause severe hallucinations and delirium but may also lead to death if taken in high doses, the use of the herb as a medicinal fell out of common practice with the advent of more easy to dose, modern synthetic pharmaceuticals, many of which are based on tropane alkaloids (Spinella, 2001). The indigenous peoples of the Americas revered Datura stramonium. The sacred entheogen allowed individuals to gain a new perception and understanding of the world they occupied. Used universally to alter human consciousness, Datura maintained a prominent role in the cultures of many indigenous peoples. The sacred wisdom of the herb manifests the divine and imparts deep respect for the mysteries of the natural world in those who encounter it. Personal Experience: To avoid unwanted complications, always wear gloves when collecting Datura. The best time to gather the herb is when the flowers are in full blossom. Dry them for future use in a well-shaded environment.
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Cheyenne and the Menominee added the berries of the herb to various medicinal preparations to make them more palatable (Moerman, 1998). The Blackfoot primarily applied bearberry externally to promote hygiene. To heal canker sores and sore gums, the Blackfoot washed out the mouth with an infusion of bearberry leaves. To produce a salve used to ameliorate itching from rashes and sores as well as peeling skin, they mixed animal grease and boiled hoof with an infusion of bearberry. The Blackfoot also used the salve to wash their infants heads (Moerman, 1998). The Ojibwa employed bearberry both ceremonially and medicinally. Applied externally to heal rheumatism, the Ojibwa used an infusion of ground bearberry to wash the inflamed and painful parts of the body. This infusion also acted as a panacea commonly used to treat other external illnesses. Those suffering from internal blood diseases drank a decoction of bearberry bark to cleanse the blood. The leaves were used in ceremony and smoked to cause intoxication. The Chippewa smoked a combination of bearberry leaves and wild tobacco known as kinnikinnick. Upon introduction of cultivated tobacco to the Americas, Native Americans began to smoke a mixture of dried bearberry leaves and industrial tobacco (Hutchens, 1991). The bearberry leaves were dried and ground together with tobacco and smoked to remedy headaches. The herbs roots were smoked ceremonially to attract game before hunting (Moerman, 1998). In addition, the berries were cooked with meat to provide additional seasoning for the broth (Densmore, 1974). Personal Experience: For the best medicinal product, pick fresh or gather the leaves of kinnikinnick in early autumn and air-dry them in a warm, dry room away from direct heat or sunlight and with continuous air circulation.
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individuals drank an infusion of the root as a sedative to calm their nerves and restore faculty (Prins, 2007; Moerman, 1998; Speck, 1917). The root was also known to stop convulsions (Prins, 2007). Most intriguingly, the Meskwaki created a love medicine using the ladys slipper root along with several other plant ingredients. The formula of the love potion follows: stamens from a white ash (Fraxinus americana), stiff cowbane root (Oxypolis rigidior), parsnip root (Pastinaca sativa), root of purple meadow rue (Thalictrum dasycarpum), queen of the prairie root (Filipendula rubra), and prairie phlox (Phlox pilosa) (Smith, 1928).
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Potawatomi preserved the raspberries for winter use by making jams and jellies. Often during summer gatherings, the Ojibwa made raspberry cakes by cooking the fruit down and drying it out on birch bark in the sun (Moerman, 1998). A common summer drink was also made from the plant. The Chippewa made a refreshing beverage by adding young raspberry stems to cold water. A similar drink, made by steeping the leaves of the plant, was served as a hot tea (Densmore, 1974). Personal Experience: Growing up, each summer my father packed our station wagon full of essentials, loaded up the family, and drove north to escape the mechanized movements of life in the city, north to where moonlight replaced the constant buzz of the citys halogen street lamps. Upon arriving in the north woods of Wisconsin, the dirt roads snaking through the forest were lined with raspberries. The clearings provided by the roads allowed stupendous thickets of prickly raspberry bushes to thrive. Upon reaching our destination in the woods, the first call to duty was to collect as many raspberries as possible and eat that many more. After filling a bucket with the succulent, sweet fruits, we would all return to camp and prepare a fire. While the fire burned down to hot coals, the fixings of a raspberry cobbler were prepared. A simple batter of flour, sugar, and water prepared, the raspberries were strewn into the bottom of a Dutch oven and the batter poured over top. When the coals were bright, a hole was dug in the fire and the Dutch oven placed within and the top covered with more coals. After a while, the piping hot raspberry cobbler, baked to perfection, was ready to eat.
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Besides the decoction, the Algonquian peoples commonly employed poultices of wild sarsaparilla root while there were many ways to prepare a poultice from wild sarsaparilla root, the easiest preparation consisted of chewing the fresh root into a pulp and applying the ground root to the affected part of the body. The woodland Cree and Algonquin used this method to draw out infections, especially ear infections (Moerman, 1998). Variably, a poultice, made by mashing the fresh root of the plant into pulp, was applied to burns, sores, ulcers, itching, and abscesses as well as to cure infections and reduce swelling (Foster & Duke, 2000). Dried wild sarsaparilla root was also ground into a powder and variously applied. The southern Ojibwa used the powdered root to stop nosebleeds whereas the Cree used the powder as a panacea to cure myriad ailments (Moerman, 1998). As a dietary source, wild sarsaparilla was used primarily as a beverage; however, during extended war or hunting expeditions, Algonquian men ate copious amounts of the plants root, since it was common and invigorating. Beyond its medicinal value as a decoction, many Algonquian tribes employed the plants root as an aromatic spice to produce various tonics. The Montagnais, Algonquin, and other northeastern Algonquian tribes fermented the ripened berries of the plant in cold water to make a rejuvenating wine (Moerman, 1998). Lastly, the southern Ojibwa utilized the root of the plant as a charm. They made a decoction by combining the roots of Acorus calamus (Acoraceae), or sweet flag, and wild sarsaparilla to apply to their fishing nets. This decoction was also used to rattle snakes away (Densmore, 1974). Personal Experience: Wild sarsaparilla root tastes and smells wonderful. I suggest making a tea out of the dried roots. First, gather the roots of several wild sarsaparilla plants, remembering not to collect too heavily from any one population. I have found the best time to harvest the root is in the spring before the plant sends up its annual growth, if necessary, harvest in the fall after the plant disseminates its seeds: either way, harvest the root when the plant is dormant. Next, cut the collected roots into small pieces and dry them in an oven on a baking pan or in the sun on a drying rack. The dried roots may then be ground into a powder or left as is. Either form yields a delicious and refreshing tea when brewed. Simply add a tablespoon of the prepared root per cup of boiling water and steep for ten minutes or until the water turns dark reddish brown. Serve hot or cold and enjoy!
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or elm bark were used as wall coverings the men set out a few days before the women to perform the labor-intensive structural repairs. The women then escorted the elderly and children to the sugar bush a few days later, using sleds or toboggans pulled by dogs to carry the familys belongings. As more and more families gathered at the sugar camp, a festive atmosphere arose, breaking the solitude of winter when the tribe broke into small, secluded family units (Densmore, 1974). Sugar camps were located in territory rich with sugar maples. Each family had their own sugar bush that constituted a section of the maples surrounding the sugar camp. Sometimes smaller families worked collectively to harvest and process the maple sap. Each camp operated between 900 and 2,000 taps with larger trees having multiple taps. The trees were tapped along paths to make collecting the sap easier. Only individuals skilled in using an ax were allowed to tap the maples; however, both men and women tapped the trees. To tap the sugar maples, a 3-inch diagonal notch was cut into the trunk of the tree about 3 feet above the ground. A strip of bark, approximately four inches in length, directly beneath the lower edge of the cut was then removed to guide the sap into the spile, which was made by splitting the bough of a slippery elm and hollowing out the pith; the spile was inserted using a curved stone chisel, and later, an auger. The spile guided the sap into birch bark containers placed at the base of the maple below the tap. If washed and stored properly, a birch bark container could last five years or more: the containers were stored in a permanent lodge at the sugar bush; it was common to cache sets of utensils at semi-permanent camps (Densmore, 1974). The sugaring season began in the middle of March and lasted for about a month. Once the trees were tapped, sap collecting began. When cold, the birch bark containers were set out early in the morning before the sap began to run. By early evening the sap froze in the trees, and the process of gathering the sap collected by the containers could begin. The containers of sap at the base of the maple were emptied into birch bark pails with handles made of basswood coils that made it easy to transport the sap back to the sugar lodge (Connor, 1994). Often in larger camps, barrels were placed along the trails to fill with sap and were moved by sled to the sugar lodge. After the sap was brought to the sugar lodge, it was stored in troughs near the doors and covered with birch bark to keep twigs and moss from falling in. Once a significant amount of sap was gathered the process of boiling the sap into sugar and syrup began. The women, charged with boiling down the sap into syrup, built a large fire at the center of the sugar lodge to heat stones. The heated stones were carefully placed into large pots, constructed from birch bark or dug out cedar trunks, containing the raw sap. The sap was boiled for a night and then strained and set aside. Eventually, the semiprocessed sap would be boiled down into syrup or granulated sugar; however, due to the arduous nature and necessity for full attention during this final stage, finishing the sugaring process was put off until all of the sap for that season had been gathered or a rainstorm provided a lull in the sugaring. After all the sap had been collected for the season, the women processed the sap into a variety of forms; often the men assisted in stirring the thickening sap: syrup, a main source of nourishment, would be stored in birch bark containers and was often buried under the earth; granulated maple sugar, formed by pressing the cooling syrup with maple ladles against a wooden trough, became an
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essential seasoning for cooking throughout the year; and hard, taffy-like maple candies, made by pouring maple syrup into birch bark containers and freezing them in the snow, were a favorite treat of children (Densmore, 1974). Medicine was often mixed with maple syrup when given to children (Moerman, 1998). Oral Tradition: The following Ojibwa legend, Manabozho and the Maple Trees, recorded by Michael Caduto in Keepers of the Earth, describes one possible origin to the demanding process of making maple syrup. A very long time ago, when the world was new, the Gitchee Manitou (Great Spirit) made things so that life was very easy for the people. There was plenty of game and the weather was always good and the maple trees were filled with thick sweet syrup. Whenever anyone wanted to get maple syrup from the trees, all they had to do was break off a twig and collect it as it dripped out. One day, Manabozho went walking around. "I think I'll go see how my friends the Anishinabe are doing," he said. So, [sic] he went to their village. But, [sic] there was no one around. So, [sic] Manabozho looked for the people. They were not fishing in the streams or the lake. They were not working in the fields hoeing their crops. They were not gathering berries. Finally, he found them. They were in the grove of maple trees near the village. They were just lying on their backs with their mouths open, letting maple syrup drip into their mouths. "This will NOT do!" Manabozho said. "My people are all going to be fat and lazy if they keep on living this way." So, [sic] Manabozho went down to the river. He took with him a big basket he had made of birch bark. With this basket, he brought back many buckets of water. He went to the top of the maple trees and poured water in, so that it thinned out the syrup. Now, thick maple syrup no longer dripped out of the broken twigs. Now what came out was thin and watery and just barely sweet to the taste. "This is how it will be from now on," Manabozho said. "No longer will syrup drip from the maple trees. Now there will only be this watery sap. When people want to make maple syrup they will have to gather many buckets full of the sap in a birch bark basket like mine. They will have to gather wood and make fires so they can heat stones to drop into the baskets. They will have to boil the water with the heated stones for a long time to make even a little maple syrup. Then my people will no longer grow fat and lazy. Then they will appreciate this maple syrup the Great Spirit made available to them. Not only that, this sap will drip only from the trees at a certain time of the year. Then it will not keep people from hunting and fishing and gathering and hoeing in the fields. This is how it is going to be," Manabozho said. And, that is how it is to this day. (Caduto, 1997)
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rashes. Similarly, by adding animal grease to the powder, the Cree procured an ointment to heal persistent rashes or sores. As an adjuvant, the Potawatomi made an infusion of twigs to season medicines; the Ojibwa used the roots of the plant for the same purpose (Moerman, 1998). The multifarious role of the white birch is most evident in its use as a material for construction and craft. White birch provided the Algonquians with an integral construction material: birch bark. The bark of the white birch sealed off their homes from wind and rain, canvassed the frames of their canoes, and made myriad utensils from cones and cups to pots for boiling water. Aesthetically, the Ojibwa utilized the inner most bark of the soft hardwood to create a red dye a dye made be gathering the inner pulp and boiling it until it turned red. In some areas, the dye maker added cedar ash to the concoction (Moerman, 1998). Children made transparencies by poking small holes through a single layer of birch bark, allowing light to shine through creating a shadow; dolls were also made from birch bark (Densmore, 1974). The Algonquian harvested white birch bark in the following way. A quality white birch, selected for size, the spacing of the eyes or lenticels of the inner trunk, and nonseparating layers within the bark, was felled. An extended thaw during the winter was the most opportune time to gather birch bark; at this time the bark did not easily separate into layers. Birch bark collected in the summer split more easily into layers and was considered inferior. Once felled, hot water was used to separate the bark from the inner cambium of the tree, and a long vertical cut was made across the area of bark to be collected. Using a knife or a wooden chisel, the bark on one side of the cut could be pulled back. It was not necessary to cut around the tree because the birch bark would split along the horizontal grain. By pouring hot water over the bark, a knife or stick could be used to peel back the bark. Once removed the bark was carefully rolled to avoid splitting or damaging the birch bark. When not for immediate use the birch bark was submerged in water or stored in a moist, dark location to keep it from drying out (Adney & Chappelle, 2007). As one of its most important roles, the Algonquians used the bark of the white birch to build canoes. Canoes, an essential form of mobility used to hunt, fish, travel, and make war, allowed the Algonquian peoples to move swiftly and efficiently across wide territories. Canoes were highly crafted and well engineered, and each tribe maintained distinct designs for the purpose a canoe was to serve. Canoes remain one of the few forms of primitive technology unaltered by the modern age. Although canoes were built of different barks, i.e. elm, chestnut, hickory, and spruce, the bark of the white birch was much preferred because large sheets were easily obtained, the bark was resinous and therefore did not shrink or expand the bark also held a degree of elasticity if green or kept wet and the bark could be sewn together. Canoe builders were able to sew the bark of the white birch together because its grain ran around the tree instead of vertically. To gain length, the root of the black spruce (Picea mariana; Pinaceae) was used to sew sheets of birch bark together. Most commonly, the ribs of the birch bark canoe were crafted from northern white cedar (Thuja occidentalis; Cupressaceae) because the wood split easily and resisted rot. Crosspieces and paddles were often crafted from the wood of the sugar maple (Acer saccharum; Sapindaceae) due to its strong core and its ability to be
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split while green. To seal the canoe and make it watertight, a resin was applied to the canoes stitching along the seams; collected by scraping the gum accumulated on damaged trees, resin was made from black or white spruce sap which was heated until it became malleable. Birch bark canoes, crafted with primitive Stone Age tools and later steel tools acquired through trade, took much patience and skillful manipulation (Adney & Chappelle, 2007). Oral Tradition: The white birch played such an integral role in the lifestyle and livelihood of the Algonquian tribes that nearly all maintain legends of its origin. An Ojibwa myth follows, as recorded by Frances Densmore in How Indians Use Wild Plants for Food, Medicine & Crafts: There was once an old woman living all alone on the shore of Lake Superior. She had a little girl living with her whom she called her daughter, though she did not know exactly where the child came from. They were very poor and the little girl went into the woods and dug wild potatoes or gathered rose berries for them to eat. The little girl grew up to be a woman, but she kept on doing the same work, getting potatoes and berries and picking up fish that were washed ashore. One day when doing this she had a strange feeling as though the wind were blowing underneath her clothing. She looked around her but saw no signs of anyone. After a while she went home. As soon as she entered the house her mother saw that she looked troubled and bewildered. Her mother asked, Did you see anyone? Did anyone speak to you? The girl replied, I saw no one and heard no one speak to me. After a time the mother noticed that the girl was pregnant and questioned her again but the girl replied as before, that she had seen no one. The only thing strange to her was the sensation of the wind blowing about her which she had described to her mother. When the time came for her to be delivered there was a sound as of an explosion and the girl disappeared, leaving absolutely no trace. The old woman threw herself on the ground and wailed because her daughter had disappeared. She searched everywhere but could find no trace of her. Finally, in looking among the leaves, she saw a drop of blood on a leaf. She picked it up carefully and put it beside her pillow. After awhile, as she lay there, she thought she heard some one shivering and breathing near her head. She lay still, not knowing what to do. She heard the breathing near her head constantly. As she lay there wondering what it could be she heard a sound like that of a human being. She said, I guess I am going to be blessed. As she lay there a voice spoke and said, Grandmother, get up and build a fire. I am freezing. The old woman arose and looked around, and there beside her lay a little boy. She took him up and caressed him. She got up and made a fire to warm him, and behold the child was Winabojo. All the spirits that roam the earth were frightened at the birth of Winabojo, for they knew his power. Throughout his human life he was a mysterious being with miraculous powers. He grew rapidly in strength and soon began to help his grandmother. He dug potatoes and brought fish and berries for her. One day, when he had grown to be almost a man, he asked his grandmother what was the largest fish in the lake. She replied, Why do you ask? It is not good for you to know. There is a large fish that lives over by that ledge of rock, but it is very powerful and would do great harm to you. Winabojo asked, Could the great fish be killed? His
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grandmother replied, No; for he lives below the rocks and no one could get down there to kill him. Winabojo began to think about this and he made up his mind that he would learn to fight so that he could kill the great fish. He got some wood and began to make bows and arrows. Then he asked his grandmother if she knew of any bird whose feathers he could put on the arrows to make them effective. The old woman replied, No. The Only bird whose feathers would make the arrows effective is a bird that lives in the sky, at the opening of the clouds. One would have to go up there to get the feathers. Winabojo began to think how he could go up there and get the feathers that he was determined to have. At last he said to himself, There is a high cliff on the edge of the lake. I will go up there and stay awhile. When he reached the high cliff he wished that he might change into a little rabbit. So he became a little rabbit and lived there. One day he went on a very high part of the cliff and called to a big bird, saying, Eagle, come here. I am a cunning little animal. I would be a nice plaything for your children. The bird flew down and saw the little rabbit playing there. The rabbit was the cunningest thing he had ever seen. The big bird was the thunderbird and he alighted on the top of the high cliff, near the little rabbit. Finally he took the little rabbit and flew up, up toward the opening in the sky. When the thunderbird came to his nest he called to his children, I have brought you something very cunning to play with. His wife spoke to him very crossly and said, Why did you bring that rabbit up here? Have you not heard that Winabojo is on earth? There is no knowing what you have picked up. But the little rabbit was very meek and quiet, letting the children play with him as they liked. The big birds were seldom at home and they went away to get food for their children. All at once, one day, Winabojo began to talk to himself and he said, These children throw me around as though I was nothing. Dont they know I came here to get some of their feathers? The next time the old birds went away he changed into his human form, took a club, killed the little thunderbirds and pulled off their feathers. He hurried around and tied the feathers up in bundles for he was sure the old birds would soon be home. When all was ready he jumped off. He was not killed because he was manido (spirit) and nothing could hurt him. He was unconscious for a time after he fell on earth but he was not hurt. Soon there was a great roaring in the sky with flashes of lightening. The thunderbirds were coming after him. Winabojo jumped up when he saw the flashes of lightening and heard the thunder. The lightening was the flash of the thunderbirds eyes and the roaring was their terrible voices. He snatched up the bundles of feathers and ran for his life. Wherever he went the flashes and the roaring followed him, but he held on to the feathers. He had gotten what he wanted and he did not intend to lose them. The thunderbirds kept after him and at last he felt that they were tiring him out. He began to fear that he would be killed after all. The thunderbirds came so close that they almost grasped him with their claws. He was getting bewildered. They were almost upon him when he saw an old, fallen birch tree that was hollow. He crept into the hollow just in time to save his life. As he got in the thunderbirds almost had their claws on him.
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The thunderbirds said, Winabojo, you have chosen the right protection. You have fled to a king-child. There they stopped. They could not touch him for the birch tree was their own child and he had fled into it for protection. There he lay while the thunder rolled away and the flashes of the thunderbirds eyes grew less bright. He was safe. When the thunderbirds had gone away Winabojo came out of the hollow birch tree and said, As long as the world stands this tree will be a protection and benefit to the human race. If they want to preserve anything they must wrap it in birch bark and it will not decay. The bark of this tree will be useful in many ways, and when people want to take the bark from the tree they must offer tobacco to express their gratitude. So Winabojo blessed the birch tree to the good of the human race. Then he went home, fixed his arrows with the feathers of the little thunderbirds and killed the great fish. Because of all this a birch tree is never struck by lightening and people can safely stand under its branches during a storm. The bark is the last part of the tree to decay, keeping its form after the wood has disintegrated, as it did in the tree that sheltered Winabojo. The little short marks on birch bark were made by Winaboko but the pictures on the bark are pictures of little thunderbirds. It was said that the bark in some localities contains more distinct pictures of the little thunderbirds than in others. (Densmore, 1974)
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In the autumn before the wild rice harvest began, a feast, held to ask the Great Spirit for blessings of good weather and safety during the upcoming harvest, celebrated the good-fortune and identity of the wild rice gathering tribes. For example, the Ojibwa trace their ancestral home back to the Atlantic Ocean, where they lived along the St. Lawrence River; however, long ago they received an admonition to travel eastward until they reached the land where food grows on water. Their seminal feast celebrates the tribes historic accomplishments and reinforces the continuing importance of the tradition of wild rice to their people (Norrgard, 2008). Once the celebration ends, the wild rice harvest begins. Traditionally, wild rice was gathered by birch bark canoe. A week or two before the harvest began the women paddled out to the rice fields and marked their respective familys section off with stakes. Within their familys portion of the rice field, they tied the flowering heads of the grass into bundles. Later when harvesting, a man pushed the canoe through the rice field using a pole with a forked end while standing in the bow. A woman sat in the stern of the canoe and gathered the wild rice. There were two methods of gathering the wild rice. The first method involved the women cutting the previously tied bundles at the base of the flowering head, successfully harvesting the entire plant; the second method involved the women using knockers, sticks about half a yard long weighing no more than a pound, to collect the kernels of wild rice. Using the knockers, the women pulled the stalk of the plant over the gunwale of the canoe and struck the flowering head with enough force to knock the ripe kernels into the bottom of the boat while leaving the unripe kernels to mature. By utilizing this second method, the women could return to the same section of the rice field multiple times at week intervals to continue to collect the wild rice as it matured. The Native Americans never intended to harvest all of the wild rice, a significant portion of the wild rice was left to seed the next years crop. By managing their gathering to conserve the annual grass, they ensured the bountiful harvests for generations to come (Densmore, 1974). A canoe full of wild rice was considered a days work. At the end of the day, a loaded canoe was taken back to camp and emptied onto birch bark sheets and placed in the sun to dry. In small camps, processing the wild rice occurred after the days harvest, but in larger camps the women who did not go out gathering began processing the wild rice by parching, winnowing, pounding, and treading the wild rice into its final form while the others were out gathering. Wild rice that was not parched took longer to cook, but lasted indefinitely and could be used as seed to sow new fields of rice. Both the parched and not parched supplies were stored in baskets woven from the inner bark of a cedar or basswood (Tilia americana) tree. The wild rice harvested in the autumn provided provisions for many months to come (Densmore, 1974). The staple was cooked alone and seasoned with maple syrup or prepared with meat. The Ojibwa used the grains to make duck and fowl stuffing and to bake bread cakes. It was often cooked in deer broth and in soups. For breakfast, the seeds were steamed and eaten with maple sugar. Wild-rice producing tribes also obtained a profitable trading commodity by gathering the grain (Moerman, 1998). As a medicine, wild rice promoted swift recovery from illness and an invigorating porridge was given to the sick (Norrgard, 2008).
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Oral Tradition: The Algonquian tribes occupying territories rich in wild rice lauded the nourishing grain as a sacred gift given to the people to ensure their success. Many legends elucidating the origins of wild rice existed. Often in these myths, the archetypal trickster, hero, and god/spirit, Wenibojo', alternatively known as Manabozho, would discover wild rice by accident. The following myths tell the story of how Wenibojo' came to know wild rice, the knowledge of which he passed on to his peoples. One evening Wenibojo' returned from hunting, but he had no game.... As he came towards his fire, there was a duck sitting on the edge of his kettle of boiling water. After the duck flew away, Wenibojo' looked into the kettle and found wild rice floating upon the water, but he did not know what it was. He ate his supper from the kettle, and it was the best soup he had ever tasted. Later, he followed in the direction the duck had taken, and came to a lake full of manomin. He saw all kinds of ducks and geese and mud hens, and all the other water birds eating the grain. After that, when Wenibojo' did not kill a deer, he knew where to find food to eat.... (Jenks, 1901) Another common myth foretelling Wenibojo's discovery of wild rice coincides with the liminal puberty fast young men undertake when beginning manhood. In this story, Wenibojo's grandmother, Noko'mis, sends him out to fast to attain a tutelary vision. One day the old woman told him that he ought to prove himself a manly fellow: he ought to take a long journey through unknown forests; he ought to go without food and get accustomed to the hardships of life. So Wenibojo' told her that he was going away, that he was going to fast; and taking his bow and arrows he wandered out into the forest. Many days he wandered, and finally came to a beautiful lake full of wild rice, the first ever seen. But he did not know that the grain was good to eat; he liked it for its beauty. He went into the forest and got the bark from a large pine tree. From this bark he made a canoe with which to gather the grain. After the canoe was made, he went to Noko'mis, and they both came and gathered the rice, and sowed it in another lake. He then left Noko'mis by this lake of sowed wild rice, and, taking his bow and arrows, started away again into the forest. As he wandered along some little bushes spoke to him and said: "Sometimes they eat us." Wenibojo' at first paid no attention to the address, but finally he said: "Who are you talking to?" On being told that he was the one addressed, he stooped down and dug up the plant. He found a long root, as long as an arrow. It tasted very good to him, so he dug and ate a great many of the roots. He ate so many that he became sick, and lay there three days too ill to move. When finally he got up, he wandered on. He became very faint and hungry; other plants spoke to him, but he was afraid to eat them. At last he was passing along the river, and saw little bunches of straw growing up in the water. They spoke to him and said: "Wenibojo', sometimes they eat us." So he picked some of it and ate it, and said: "Oh, but you are good! What do they call you?" "They call us mano'min [wild rice]," the grass answered. Wenibojo' waded out into the water up to his breast and beat off the grain, and ate and ate, but this time he was not sick. Finally he remembered the wild rice which he and old Noko'mis had sown, so he returned home to his manomin lake. (Jenks, 1901) Personal Experience: Paddling across the lakes of northern Wisconsin and the upper peninsula of Michigan, I first came across wild rice. The majestic lakes shimmered with the warmth of the sun and the cooling breeze that swept across the lakes rippled through 55
the dense, sprawling expanses of wild rice in waves. Wild rice often grows in the shallow streams linking the lakes. The entrances to these shallow streams are a favorite recluse for many species of fish: the fast-moving water cools them and the aquatic foliage provides a place to hide and lurk.
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The Algonquian peoples highly regarded yarrow not only for its ritual use but also for its physical effects. The Malecite extracted the liquid from the fresh leaves and flower heads of the herb and treated bruises and sprains with the soothing oil (Moerman, 1998). Utilizing similar analgesic properties of the herb, the Algonquin crushed dried yarrow leaves and insufflated the snuff to relieve headaches. Additionally, yarrows anti septic and analgesic properties made the herb an excellent dressing for open wounds and exposed sores, such as toothaches (Drum, 2005). Infusions of yarrow were widespread. Bathing in an infusion of yarrow leaves was commonly employed as a minor analgesic to relieve aches and pains and heal external sores by numerous Algonquian peoples (Vogel, 1970). The Blackfoot applied the infusion externally to alleviate gastrointestinal pain, rheumatism, liver problems, labor pains, urinary problems, and sore throats; the infusion was even administered as eyewash for horses. The Menominee prescribed an infusion of the herb to cure fevers while the Cree applied an infusion of yarrow as a compress on the forehead of those afflicted by fever or severe headaches. The Abnaki, Algonquin, and Cheyenne administered an infusion of the entire plant as a cold remedy, especially for children (Moerman, 1998). In the spring, young, fresh yarrow leaves may be added to dishes as a bitter spice (Drum, 2005). Personal Experience: Always harvest herbs when they are in bloom. An infusion made of only the blossoms tastes much better; however, the leaves are much more potent but will lend a bitter taste to the infusion when drunk. If unpalatable, simply add honey to remedy its bitter tang. To avoid some of the bitterness when making a tea of the dried leaves, do not bring the water to a full boil, or let the water sit for a moment before steeping the leaves.
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LITERATURE CITED Adney, Edwin Tappan and Howard I. Chappelle. 2007. Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America. New York: Skyhorse Publishing Inc. Angevine, Mark A. and Steven N. Handel. 1986. Invasion of Forest Floor Space, Clonal Architecture, and Population Growth in the Perennial Herb Clintonia Borealis. Journal of Ecology, Vol. 74, No. 2 (Jun., 1986), pp. 547-560. Web. Apr. 1 2011. Armstrong, W.P. The Deadly Datura. Waynes Word. Vol. 7, 1998. Web. 11 Jan. 2011. Ballick, Michael J. and Paul Alan Cox. 1996. Plants, People, and Culture: The Science of Ethnobotany. New York: W.H. Freeman and Company. Baskin, Esther. 1967. The Poppy and Other Deadly Plants. New York: Delacorte Press. Benn, M.H. and Lois Jean Yelland. 1968. Ranunculin. Canadian Journal of Chemistry, 46, 729. Web. 1 Dec. 2010. Benoliel, Doug. 1974. Northwest Foraging. Signpost Publications. Black, Meredith Jean. 1980. Algonquin Ethnobotany: An Interpretation of Aboriginal Adaptation in South Western Quebec. Ottawa: National Museum of Canada. Caduto, Michael J., and Joseph Bruchac. 1997. Keepers of the Earth: Native American Stories and Environmental Activities for Children. Fulcrum Publishing. Chandler, R. F., S. N. Hooper and M. J. Harvey. 1982. Ethnobotany and Phytochemistry of Yarrow, Achillea millefolium, Compositae. Economic Botany Vol. 36, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1982), pp. 203-223. New York Botanical Garden Press. Web. 27 Nov. 2010. Davis, Wade. 1985. The Serpent and the Rainbow. New York: Simon and Schuster. Densmore, Frances. 1974. How Indians Use Wild Plants for Food, Medicine, and Crafts. New York: Dover Publications, Inc. Drum, Ryan. 2005. Yarrow, Queen Annes Lace, and Indian Pipe. Island Herbs. Web. 27 Nov. 2010. Foster, Steven and James A. Duke. 2000. A Field Guide to Medicinal Plants and Herbs of Eastern and Central North America. 2nd Ed., New York: Houghton Mifflin Company.
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Gibbons, Euell. 1966. Stalking the Healthful Herbs. Brattleboro, VT: Alan C. Hood and Company, Inc. Godman, Richard M., Harry W. Yawney, and Carl H. Tubbs. 2004. Acer saccharum Marsh.. United States Department of Agriculture Forest Service. Web. 1 Apr. 2011. Hill, R., and Ruth van Heyningen. 1953. Ranunculin: The Precursor of the Vesicant Substance of the Buttercup. Report to Ministry of Supply, vol. 49 (1953). Web. 1 Dec. 2010. Hutchens, Alma R. 1991. Indian Herbalogy of North America. Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications Inc. Jenks, Albert Ernest. 1901. The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes: A Study in American Primitive Economics. Pages 1013-1137, Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897-1898. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., USA. Leake, Jonathon R. 1994. Tansley Review No. 69. The Biology of Myco-Heterotrophic ('Saprophytic') Plants. New Phytologist, Vol. 127, No. 2 (Jun., 1994), pp. 171-216. 1 Apr. 2011. Web. Leland, Charles G. 1992. Algonquin Legends. Toronto: General Publishing Company, Ltd. Pojar, Jim and Andy MacKinnon. 1994. Plants of Coastal British Columbia. Vancouver, BC: Lone Pine Publishing. Prance, Ghillean T.. 2007. Ethnobotany, the science of survival: a declaration from Kauai. Economic Botany, 61 (1): 1-2. The New York Botanical Garden. Prins, Harald E. L. and B. McBride. 2007. Asticou's Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island 15002000. Northeast Region Ethnography Program Boston: National Park Service. Miller, Orson K. and Hope H. Miller. 2006. North American Mushrooms A Field Guide to Edible and Inedible Mushrooms. Guilford, CT: The Globe Pequot Press. Mittelhauser, Glen H., Linda L. Gregory, Sally C. Rooney, and Jill E. Weber. 2010. The Plants of Acadia National Park. Orono, ME: University of Maine at Orono Press. Moerman, Daniel, E. 1998. Native American Ethnobotany. Portland, OR: Timber Press, Inc. Needham, William. 2011. The Hikers Notebook. Sierra Club. Web. 10 Oct. 2010.
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GLOSSARY Abortifacient ~ Causing abortion. Acetylcholine ~ A chemical substance secreted at the ends of many nerve fibers, especially in the autonomic nervous system, and responsible for the transmission of nervous impulses. Adjuvant ~ Anything that aids in removing or preventing a disease, especially a substance added to a prescription to aid the effect of the main ingredient. Algic ~ An indigenous language family of North America. Alterative ~ A medicinal substance that gradually restores health. Alternate leaves ~ Leaf arrangement bearing one leaf or other structure per node. Analgesic ~ A remedy that relieves or allays pain. Anodyne ~ Relieves pain. Anti-cholinergic ~ A drug or agent that blocks these nerve impulses, used to control intestinal spasm, increase the heart rate, dilate the pupils for examination of the eyes, dry secretions in anesthesia, and in some forms to treat Alzheimer's disease. Anti-inflammatory ~ Reducing or neutralizing inflammation. Anti-periodic ~ Arrests morbid periodic movements. Anti-septic ~ Preventing sepsis, decay, putrefaction; also, an agent that kills germs, microbes. Anti-spasmodic ~ Relieves or prevents spasms. Anti-rheumatic ~ An agent that relieves or prevents rheumatism. Annual ~ A plant living for a year or less. Aromatic ~ A stimulant, spicy. Astringent ~ An agent that causes tissues to contract. Atropine ~ A poisonous crystalline alkaloid obtained from belladonna and other plants of the nightshade family that prevents the response of various body structures to certain types of nerve stimulation: used chiefly to relieve spasms, to lessen secretions, and topically, to dilate the pupil of the eye. Basal ~ Leaves radiating directly from the crown of the root. Biennial ~ A plant living or lasting for two years. Boreal ~ Relating to or characteristic of the climatic zone south of the Arctic, especially the cold temperate region dominated by forests of birch, poplar, and conifers. Catkin ~ An inflorescence consisting of a spike, usually hanging, of much reduced flowers of either sex: occurs in birch, hazel, etc. Chenoo (Kewahqu) ~ Giant cannibal monsters. Colic ~ Severe, often fluctuating pain in the abdomen caused by intestinal gas or obstruction in the intestines suffered primarily by babies. Compound leaf ~ A leaf consisting of two or more leaflets borne on the same leafstalk. Floret ~ A small flower. Decoction ~ A preparation made by boiling a plant part in water. Diaphoretic ~ An agent that induces sweating. Diuretic ~ An agent that induces urination. Emollient ~ An agent that softens and soothes the skin when applied locally. Entheogen ~ A psychoactive substance, typically of plant origin, ingested to produce a non-ordinary state of consciousness for religious or spiritual purposes.
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Epiparasite ~ A parasite that feeds on another parasite. Estrogenic ~ A substance that induces female hormonal activity. Expectorant ~ Facilitates expectoration. Febrifuge ~ Abates and reduces fevers. Fumigant ~ A chemical compound used in its gaseous state as a disinfectant. Hallucinogen ~ A drug that causes hallucinations. Heartwood ~ The portion of the secondary xylem of trees that is no longer conducting water and nutrients. Herbaceous ~ Non-woody. Hyoscyamine ~ A poisonous alkaloid occurring in henbane and related plants: an optically active isomer of atropine, used in medicine in a similar way. Ibotenic acid ~ An insecticidal agent in the mushroom Amanita muscaria Inflorescence ~ A cluster of flowers borne on a flowering stalk. Infusion ~ A preparation made by soaking a plant part in hot water (or cold water, for a cold infusion); in essence, a tea. Laxative ~ Promotes bowel action. Leaflets ~ Each of the leaflike structures that make up a compound leaf. Lenticel ~ Any of numerous pores in the stem of a woody plant allowing exchange of gases between the plant and the exterior. Manido ~ mystery, essence, substance, matter, supernatural spirit, anima, quiddity, attribute, property, God, deity, godlike, mystical, incorporeal, transcendental, invisible reality. Medaewaewin ~ The sound resonance; refers to a society of medicine men and women formed to preserve and advance the knowledge of plants and healing and to establish the relationship between health and upright living. Muscimol ~ A psychoactive alkaloid present in many mushrooms of the Amanita genus. Mycorrhizae ~ Non-parasitic fungi that form symbiotic associations with the roots of many kinds of plants in which the fungi facilitates the uptake of nutrients and the plant provides food in the form of carbohydrates for the fungi. Native ~ A plant of indigenous origin or growth. Narcotic ~ A drug that relieves pain and induces drowsiness, stupor, or insensibility. Nervine ~ An agent that affect, strengthens, or calms the nerves. Oleoresins ~ A natural or artificial mixture of essential oils and a resin. Opposite leaves ~ Leaf arrangement where there are two leaves at each node, on opposite sides of the axis. Panacea ~ A remedy for all difficulties or diseases. Parturition ~ Childbirth. Perennial ~ A plant that lives for several years. Petiole ~ The stalk that joins the leaf to the stem; leafstalk. Pneumonia ~ Lung inflammation caused by bacterial or viral infection. Poultice ~ A soft, moist mass of material, typically of a plant, applied to the body to relieve soreness and inflammation. Resin ~ In plants, naturally occurring polymerized terpenes that are synthesized in, or secreted into, specialized ducts. Rheumatism ~ Any disease marked by inflammation and pain in the joints, muscles, or fibrous tissue.
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Rhizome ~ A creeping underground stem. Saprophytic ~ A plant (usually lacking chlorophyll) that lives on dead organic matter. Scopolamine ~ A colorless viscous liquid alkaloid extracted from certain plants, such as henbane: used in preventing travel sickness and as an anticholinergic, sedative, and truth serum. Sedative ~ A nerve tonic, promotes sleep. Serotonin ~ A compound that occurs in the brain, intestines, and blood platelets and acts as a neurotransmitter, as well as inducing vasoconstriction and contraction of smooth muscle. Smallpox ~ An acute contagious viral disease. Stimulant ~ An agent that causes increased activity of another agent, cell tissue, organ, or organism. Sudatory ~ An agent that causes increased sweating. Tonic ~ An ambiguous term referring to a substance thought to have an overall positive medicinal effect of an unspecified nature. Terminal ~ Borne at the end of a stem or branch. Tropane alkaloid ~ A two-ringed nitrogen-containing compound derived from proline, an amino acid common in proteins. Tuberculosis ~ An infectious bacterial disease characterized by the growth of nodules in the tissue, especially the lungs. Wenebojo ~ A mythic figure of Algonquian culture; the all-man, all-woman archetypal human being, variously considered trickster and Manitou. Wigwam ~ A dome-shaped hut or tent made by fastening mats, skins, or bark over a framework of poles.
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