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ALGONQUIAN ETHNOBOTANY

Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

Written and Illustrated by Joseph Layden

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

To Victoria

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Foremost, I would like to acknowledge my beautiful parents, Donald and Mary Jo, as well as my entire family, especially Anna, Jacob, and Christopher, for encouraging my passions and embracing my adventurous spirit; for the many outings in the woods, walks in the parks, and enlightening conversations we shared; and for your unending support, guidance, acceptance, understanding, and perpetual love: I love you all. The lessons and wisdom of so many wonderful teachers and mentors are alive in this handbook; most recently my professors and advisors at College of the Atlantic Nishanta Rajakaruna, Scott Swan, Colin Capers, and Anne Kozak blessed me with their support, encouragement, and criticism. Several texts were invaluable in accomplishing this enquiry, in particular David Moermans Native American Ethnobotany, Frances Densmores How Indians Use Wild Plants for Food, Medicine & Crafts, and Alma R. Hutchens Indian Herbalogy of North America provided much wanted knowledge and wisdom. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge the Garden Club of America for awarding me the Zeller Summer Scholar in Medicinal Botany grant.

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

CONTENTS

Introduction Balsam Fir ~ Abies balsamea Baneberry ~ Actaea rubra Cattail ~ Typha latifolia Cedar ~ Thuja occidentalis Datura ~ Datura stramonium Fly Agaric ~ Amanita muscaria Indian pipe ~ Monotropa uniflora Kinnikinnck ~ Arctostaphylos uva-ursi Pink Ladys slipper ~ Cypripedium acaule Raspberry ~ Rubus idaeus var. strigosus Sarsaparilla ~ Aralia nudicaulus Sugar Maple ~ Acer saccharum White Birch ~ Betula papyrifera Wild Rice ~ Zizania palustris Yarrow ~ Achillea millefolium Yellow Bluebead lily ~ Clintonia borealis Literature Cited Glossary

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

INTRODUCTION The Algonquian peoples respected and understood the significance of the plants they lived with. Developing relationships with the plants, the Algonquian found spiritual and physical nourishment in the plants potent properties. In drastic contrast to the industrialization that followed colonization, the Algonquians use of plants underlines a deep connection to nature that is spelled out in the ritual and mythology of the culture. This handbook reflects on the Algonquians use of various edible, medicinal, and spiritual plants and fungi native to their communities. The plants in this handbook have been collected, preserved, used, and shared communally in both traditional and modern ways to fully experience, appreciate, and understand their grace. Beyond functioning as a field guide to the flora of eastern North America, this handbook divulges traditional Algonquian preparations and mythology to elucidate the unique relationship between plants and people manifest in the culture of the Algonquian peoples. Northern Algonquian Camp:

http://www.civilization.ca/cmc/exhibitions/archeo/hnpc/images/npvol16b.jpg

The landscape of Algic dialects encompasses scores of distinct tribal groups all sharing the common thread of language. The Algonquian language family consists of the Cree, Montagnais, Naskapi, Ojibwa, Kickapoo, Menominee, Meskwaki, Miami, 4

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

Potawatomi, Shawnee, Abnaki, Passamaquaddy, Malecite, Micmac, Mohegan, Munsee, Powhatan, Nanticoke, Unami, Wampanoag, Arapaho, Gros Ventre, Blackfoot, and Cheyenne tribes. The Algonquian languages disseminated across northeastern North America, spreading to the northern plains of Canada, the Great Lakes, and beyond through the vast network of waterways traversing North America. The diversity of the tribes allowed for many variants of culture and tradition, the use of plants, and land management techniques shifted from tribe to tribe depending on climate, environment, and generational knowledge. However, widespread interrelations among tribes allowed for sharing of communal knowledge, revealed by parallel oral traditions.

http://www.cogsci.indiana.edu/farg/rehling/nativeAm/ling.html

By instituting an ecologically symbiotic relationship with nature, the Algonquian reciprocated the bounty of nature with a cultural perspective that preserved and revered the natural world (Black, 1980). Today, the eradication of diverse flora and the cultures perpetuating not only traditional knowledge and practice of plant use but also land management represents a major loss (Prance, 2007). Indigenous knowledge maintains its importance to modern society by implementing complex land management systems (Turner, 2009) and discovering myriad life-saving drugs such as Digitoxin, Reserprine, and Quinine (Ballick and Cox, 1996). This handbook collects the Algonquians historic traditions, archiving their unique use and management of various edible, medicinal, and spiritual plants native to northeastern North America. Society depends upon plants and the products created from them. Ethnobotany influences modern medicine, agriculture, and industry by providing tens of thousands of years of human observation and experimentation to modern progress. With the rapid disappearance of cultures and flora

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

across the globe, collecting ethnobotanical and ethnographical data is crucial to the imminent changes in land use and land management theories to be developed by future generations. The perspective of indigenous peoples will be invaluable to implementing continued progress. The outcome of this study, an amalgamation of local indigenous knowledge and modern scientific knowledge, will help to perpetuate traditional ecological knowledge in modern science and industry.

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

BALSAM FIR ~ Abies balsamea


Common names: Canada Fir, American Silver Fir, Eastern Fir, Christmas tree. Scientific name: Abies balsamea ~ Pinaceae (Pine family) Algic names: Poo-pooka-wigu (Passamaquoddy); Aninandak (Chippewa); Bopuk hawek (Penobscot) Habitat: Native to the boreal forests of eastern North America, the balsam fir ranges as far west as the Canadian Rockies and as far south as the Appalachian Mountains of West Virginia, occupying the full landscape of where Algic dialects were spoken. Taxonomy: The balsam fir, a medium-sized, shade tolerant evergreen, reaches, on average, a height of 60 feet as it spires upward conically, ending in a narrow crown. The balsam fir possesses flat needles (1 inch long) with round petioles; the needles also possess two distinctive white stripes on their underside. The young, deep purple cones grow erect and mature to 1-4 inches before disintegrating from the upper branches of the tree (Foster & Duke, 2000). The bark is smooth and covered in resinous blisters containing aromatic oleoresins (Needham, 2011). Parts Used: Needles, roots, inner bark, resin. Uses: Stimulant, expectorant, diuretic. Preparation and Application: Found growing ubiquitously among the Algonquian tribes, the balsam fir was commonly used medicinally to alleviate various ailments. Gathering a handful of roots and steeping them in a pot of boiling water for 30 to 45 minutes made a useful balsam decoction. A general ratio for plant parts to water was 1:1. Once luke-warm, the decoction acted as an analgesic to relieve pain from rheumatism (Moerman, 1998). An infusion of the balsam needles acted as an emollient anti-septic for cleaning open sores, relieving insect bites and stings, boils, and infections (Vogel, 1970). More so, the Potawatomi applied the gum of the balsam as a salve to heal minor abrasions and burns. To treat similar ailments, the Algonquin applied a poultice made of balsam resin and ground needles to open sores and wounds. They also drank a root decoction and ate balsam sap to treat kidney pain. The Ojibwa used a balsam decoction as a diaphoretic to induce sweating and as an expectorant to relieve soreness of the chest due to colds (Moerman, 1998). Chewing the inner bark and sap of the balsam fir was practiced universally to alleviate colds and coughs, and the roots were chewed to heal sores of the mouth (Vogel, 1970). The Chippewa used the gum of the balsam fir as an analgesic for headaches and coughs. Applied to a hot stone, the gum melted and its fumes were inhaled to relieve pain. Similarly, they used a decoction of the roots to alleviate rheumatism. The Micmac brewed tea from the balsams buds and cones to administer as a laxative (Moerman, 1998). The Algonquin brewed a similar tea made of balsam twigs and needles as a sudatory to ease parturition for women (Black, 1982). Moreover, woodland Cree used the pitch of the balsam as an abortifacient to treat menstrual irregularity (Moerman, 1998).

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

Beyond its medicinal use, the balsam fir maintained the role of panacea, promoting general well being, both physically and spiritually, as well as retaining ceremonial use in the sweat bath of the Ojibwa (Moerman, 1998). The Penobscot used boughs of the balsam fir to construct wigwams: once a conical frame was built, fresh balsam boughs, tips downward, were positioned across the supports to enclose the structure; on the coldest nights, they erected an interior lining of deerskin for added insulation (Prins, 2007). Oral Tradition: The Algonquin legend of the Great Chenoo tells the story of gigantic, wicked devils who descend from the icy expanses of the north. Also known as Kewahqu' or Kewoqu' to the Passamaquoddy, these cannibals with hearts of ice were created when small witches killed the great witch, and thus banished the great witchs remains a heart made of ice. Even dead, the fallen Kewahqu' fought one another. When they fought, their icy hearts grew as large as the trees, and the Kewahqu' uprooted the greatest trees which they crossed to batter each other with, desperately trying to conquer the others heart and add it to its own. The witches, terrifying, parasitic tricksters, were greatly feared among the Passamaquoddy. In the winter, one such legend goes, a crafty Chenoo used the resin of Abies balsamea to adhere moss, twigs, grass, and leaves to disguise its heart. The monstrous ice creature sneaked undetected into the home of a young family, their child asleep in the wigwam. The woman, whose husband was away hunting, realized her dire situation and treated the witch with the utmost hospitality to persuade it not to eat the boy and her alive. When her husband returned home from his hunt, the wife implored her husband to do nothing but accept the Chenoo as an uncle, for the witch was much too powerful and simply desired the loving warmth of the family. The Chenoo stayed in the wigwam for three days and nights, the entire time the family stoked the fire inside. At the end of the three days and nights, the Chenoos heart had melted and he became sick and weak. The family fed the Chenoo deer meat, and, the Chenoos strength revived, they all lived in peace as family until the Chenoo perished from the warmth of the following summer (Leland, 1992). Personal Experience: Growing up, my first memories of the Balsam Fir came during Christmas. Each year my family and I would decorate our living room with a Christmas tree. More memorable then the shining lights, strings of beads, and hand-made ornaments that adorned our familys tree were the yearly trips to cut down and collect our balsam fir. Some years, bundled in layers of wool and down, noses running, we would crunch through the snow looking for the rare and beautiful specimen that would grace our home for the Christmas season. Other years, the air fogged with our breath, the ground bare, we would traipse through acres and acres of perfectly planted rows, relishing the sweet, piney aroma of the firs not wanting to leave. My sister and I would blithely play hide-and-go-seek among the fir trees, readily chewing on their sappy twigs as if they were peppermint candy canes. Growing older, I took to the woods to hone my wilderness survival skills. Armed with a sharp knife and a box of matches, I tromped through the forest looking for a place to camp out. Collecting the last of the seasons raspberries to munch on overnight, I came to the edge of a creek. The clear water was cool and refreshing, and I set about collecting firewood and material for a shelter. I erected a pole frame for a lean-to,

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

gathered nearby vegetation to cover the bare skeleton, and stacked kindling and logs beneath the structure. As the sun set over the tops of the trees and disappeared behind the rolling hills, the land grew dark, and the cold, frigid night set in. I crawled beneath my protective lean-to and threw an armful of logs onto the fire until it blazed beside me. The roof insulated with ferns and clumps of soil and the ground insulated with boughs of balsam fir, my makeshift home made a cozy abode. My bed of fir boughs insulating me from the cold earth, I dreamt content as the fire danced its wild, visceral patterns across my resting bones.

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

BANEBERRY ~ Actaea rubra


Common names: Red Baneberry, Red Cohosh, Herb Christopher. Scientific name: Actaea rubra ~ Ranunculaceae (Buttercup Family) Algic names: Cohosh (Massachuset); Wicosidjibik (Chippewa) WARNING: Baneberry contains severe toxins. Do NOT ingest the fruit of this herb! They contain harmful poison and may cause death. Habitat: An herbaceous plant found occasionally and belonging to the Buttercup family; red baneberry grows beside streams, along rock slopes, and interspersed among hardwood and mixed-wood forests, preferring mineral-rich, moist soil (Benoliel, 1974). Mainly occupying the boreal forests of eastern and central North America and southern Canada, the plant extends as far west as Oregon and Utah (Foster & Duke, 2000). Taxonomy: An erect growing perennial, red baneberry may reach upwards of 2-3ft in height (Foster & Duke, 2000). The rhizome supports a hairless stem containing alternately arranged leaves. The large compound leaves contain 2-3 leaflets divided into three segments that are lobed and sharp-toothed. In late May and early June large round clusters of small white flowers resting on long stalks blossom and quickly die off. The glossy, red fruit ripens in July and August and is poisonous to consume (Northwestern Ontario Forest: Common Herb Species, 2000). Parts Used: Root, berry. Uses: Poison, antispasmodic, analgesic. Preparation and Application: A potent poison, the deleterious effect of the red cohoshs fruit was widely known. Red baneberry contains the toxin ranunculin, a chemical agent commonly found in members of the Buttercup family (Hill, R. & van Heyningen, 1953). When exposed to the toxin, an intense burning sensation occurs, followed by tingling, reddening of the skin, and, in severe cases, blistering of the skin (Benn, M. H. &Yelland, 1968). Utilizing the poison as a secondary agent of death, Algonquian hunters coated their arrows with the juice of the berry (Needham, 2011). When introduced intravascularly, ranunculin leads to circulatory failure and certain death. Although considered a poisonous plant, numerous Algonquian tribes used red cohosh in a variety of medicinal preparations. Medicinally, the most important part of the herb is the root. Decoctions of the herb, made from boiling the root in water were used to treat coughs and colds, rheumatism, and emaciation, to purify the blood, and as an analgesic. Men of the Ojibwa ate minute pieces of the root to cure stomach pains (Moerman, 1998). More frequently, Algonquians administered the herb following childbirth. The medicine acted three-fold: stopping excessive bleeding, easing postpartum pain, and increasing lactation. Women drank a decoction of red cohosh root to ease heavy menstrual bleeding as well (Vogel, 1970). The Cheyenne celebrated the plants efficacy by using the root in ceremonies (Moerman, 1998).

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

Oral Tradition: As the etymology suggests, baneberry produces a fruit that contains a poisonous toxin capable of death. The Algonquian peoples knew baneberry as cohosh, a term that comes from a Massachuset word, koshki, and translates, it is rough. Originally, this description identified the gnarled texture of the black cohosh (Actaea racemosa) root; however, the designation eventually denoted plants containing similar medicinal properties as the original: i.e. blue cohosh (Caulophyllum thalictroides), red cohosh (Actaea rubra), and white cohosh (Actaea pachypoda) (Needham, 2011).

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

CATTAIL ~ Typha latifolia


Common names: Broadleaf Cattail, Bulrush, Common Cattail Scientific name: Typha latifolia ~ Typhaceae (Cattail family) Algic names: Gciga'ntk (Potawatomi); Gi'jg (Ojibwa); Kesasata'uk (Menominee) Habitat: Native to North and South America as well as Africa and Eurasia, the cattail abounds throughout eastern North America, and large groups of the plant often colonize open swaths of freshwater marshes, ponds, and other swampy areas (Benoliel, 1974). Taxonomy: A perennial reaching 4 to 8 feet in height, cattails grow in tight clusters, their thick rootstock residing just below the surface of the soil. The leaves of the plant are long, slender, and sword like. Erect flowering stalks stiffly rise above the leaves of the plant and are topped with dense clusters of male flowers covered in yellow pollen; the female flowers form similarly and rest immediately below (Benoliel, 1974). The greenish flowers bloom from May to July, and the seeds are wind dispersed (Mittelhauser, 2010). Parts Used: Whole plant. Uses: Edible, material. Preparation and Application: The Algonquian peoples commonly harvested cattails for use as medicine, material, and food. Gathering the plant occurred all year long, different seasons being better for certain applications of the plant. In the early spring when new growth emerged, the young shoots of the plant were gathered for food. To gather young edible cattail shoots, simply grasp the stalk as close to the root as possible and pull; the stem breaks away from the root without much expenditure. The Blackfoot, Ojibwa, and woodland Cree all looked to the cattail for nourishment. The Blackfoot and Ojibwa ate the root and base of the stem fresh in the spring and early summer. The Ojibwa also made flour from the plants pollen and ate cattail flowers, dried or boiled. The Cree prepared the roots of the plant variously: they peeled the root and dried the inner part over a fire to store for the winter; they ate the base of the stems and the young shoots fresh in the summer; and they boiled or warmed the roots to eat when the cattail was in bloom (Moerman, 1998). Beyond its role as an edible, the cattail offered accessible and consistent medicinal value. The root of the plant was used variously among the Algonquian peoples. The Algonquin crushed the roots of the plant and applied the matter as a poultice to protect wounds and prevent infections (Black, 1980); the Potawatomi applied a similar poultice of pounded root to apply to inflammations (Smith, 1933). To ameliorate abdominal cramps, the Cheyenne made an infusion of dried, crushed cattail root and the leaves at the base of the plants stalk. The Delaware used the root to help dissolve kidney stones and ease their passing, and the Ojibwa made a poultice from the inner root to treat sores and boils. The Malecite and the Micmac utilized the leaves of the plant medicinally by placing greased cattail leaves over sores (Moerman, 1998), whereas the Meskwaki

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

used the fuzz of the cattails flower to pad sores as they healed (Smith, 1923). The successful use of the cattail as a medicine relied upon the plants astringent, emollient, and detergent chemical properties; however, the cattails physical properties would further reward the Algonquian peoples. More than the plants nutritional and medicinal value, the cattail was prized as a trading commodity. The cattail provided two important materials to the Algonquian: strong, straight leaves, and soft, warm down, known as "bebamas'n" to the Ojibwa, meaning, it flies around. The down-like seeds gathered from the plant were used similarly among the tribes, primarily as bedding in the form of quilts, sleeping bags, and pillows (Densmore, 1974; Smith, 1923; 1928; 1932; 1933). The Chippewa and Potawatomi placed their newborn infants into a cradle of the soft down, and the Blackfoot fashioned diapers out of the catkins for their children (Moerman, 1998). The Cheyenne, Menominee, Potawatomi, Chippewa, Ojibwa, and Meskwaki all utilized the leaves of the cattail to construct baskets, and all but the Cheyenne constructed mats. Baskets were a valued possession and a useful trading item. Unlike mats made of rushes, constructing a mat of cattail required sewing the leaves of the plant together with a rib bone needle and nettle or basswood string; these mats were multi-layered and hung along the inside wall of the wigwam to weatherproof the lodge and protect its occupants from the wind, snow, and rain (Moerman, 1998; Densmore, 1974; Smith, 1923; 1928; 1932; 1933). By thatching the roofs of their lodges with these mats, the Menominee insulated their winter wigwams against drafts and melting snow (Smith, 1923). Beyond the use of the leaves and seeds, the Meskwaki, along with the Menominee, used the cattail root to caulk their canoes by wedging the root into the seams of the boat to fashion a watertight craft (Smith, 1923; 1928). The Cheyenne also used the leaves in their Sun Dance ceremony (Moerman, 1998), and the Ojibwa were said to have thrown the seeds of the plant at the faces of their enemies during war to blind them (Smith, 1932).

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

CEDAR ~ Thuja occidentalis


Common names: Tree of Life, Northern White Cedar, Eastern Arborvitae Scientific name: Thuja occidentalis ~ Cupressaceae (Cypress family) Algic names: Gciga'ntk (Potawatomi); Gi'jg (Ojibwa); Kesasata'uk (Menominee); Kankskuzi (Penobscot) Habitat: Native to eastern North America, the cedar flourishes along the swamps, lakes, and ponds of the cool, moist woods between Nova Scotia and the Great Lakes, while populations exist as far south as the mountains of Georgia (Foster & Duke, 2000). Taxonomy: A long-living evergreen, the cedar often reaches a height of 100 feet and may live for 800 years. Shallow grooves run vertically along the soft bark of the cedar, which is a reddish-brown color often tinged with orange. The short aromatic leaves of the tree fan out in flat sprays and are favorite winter forage for deer. Small erect cones, with spreading scales no longer than an inch long, mature annually. The heartwood of the cedar is aromatic, durable, and water resistant (Forest Trees of Maine, 2008). Parts Used: Whole plant. Uses: Anodyne, aromatic, material. Preparation and Application: Ubiquitously, the Algonquian peoples revered the cedar tree as indispensible. The Ojibwa considered the sacrosanct tree to be one of the most sacred and honored plants to bless the earth (Moerman, 1998). The multifarious role of the tree as food, medicine, material, and spiritual pillar secured the cedars preeminence in Algonquian culture. As a medicine, the Algonquian peoples primarily utilized the cedars mild analgesic properties and aromatic oil to cure myriad illnesses. The Abnaki used the cedar as an anti-rheumatic by drying and crushing the leaves of the plant into a powder and externally applying the preparation as a poultice to swellings; the tribe also made the cedars leaves into pillows to generate vitality and maintain health. Similar to the Algonquin, the Algonquin prepared a pain-relieving medicine using the cedar tree: to relieve rheumatism the branches of the tree were decocted and then drunk; likewise, to relieve toothaches the same decoction was inhaled as a steam (Moerman, 1998). The Algonquin prepared various medicines that incorporated cedar, including a sweat bath of leaves and boughs used to break fevers and cure colds (Black, 1980). More so, this steam bath was prepared for women recuperating after childbirth to accelerate their recovery. Algonquin women drank an infusion of the plant to alleviate menstrual problems, and a similar infusion, made solely from the cedars cones, was given to babies who suffered from colic. The Algonquin also made a cedar poultice by powdering the rotten wood of the tree to alleviate rashes and skin irritations. To the north, the Montagnais utilized the plant as a diaphoretic, administering an infusion of bruised cedar twigs to produce sweating (Speck, 1917). South of the Abnaki, Montagnais, and Algonquin, the closely related Malecite, Penobscot, and Micmac all employed the cedars useful medicine as well. The Malecite and Micmac treated burns with the inner bark of the cedar tree: by pounding the inner 18

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

bark of the tree into a mash and combining the plant matter with animal grease, a burn dressing was obtained. As an analgesic, the Penobscot created a compound poultice out of cedar bark to mitigate the healing of lacerations, and the Micmac inhaled the steam of a cedar infusion to cure headaches. Both the Micmac and Malecite treated tuberculosis by administering an infusion of the inner bark. The Micmac and Malecite also used the gum of the cedar tree to fill cavities and relieve tooth pain. Furthermore, the two tribes utilized the cedar to treat colds and coughs: the Micmac decocted the inner bark, bark, and stem to procure a healing tea for sore throats, and the Malecite made an infusion of cedars boughs to drink to ameliorate coughs. To relieve sore hands and feet, the Penobscot and Micmac applied a poultice of cedar leaves to the swollen or painful body part. The Penobscot also used cedar bark as a panacea for treating myriad troubles (Speck, 1917). To the west, the Algonquian tribes inhabiting the territory surrounding the Great Lakes the Chippewa, woodland Cree, Ojibwa, Menominee, Potawatomi, and Ojibwa revered the sacred cedar tree for, among other reasons, its medicinal effects. The Chippewa devised a compound drug including cedar charcoal that was pricked under the skin of the temples with needles made of bone to relieve severe headaches. The tribe administered another compound drug containing the leaves of the tree as a cough syrup to remedy colds and coughs (Densmore, 1974). The Chippewa brewed the leaves of the cedar into tea and served the drink as a hot beverage. The tribe also utilized the fragrant leaves of the tree as a deodorant and burned the aromatic twigs of the cedar during religious ceremonies as incense; cedar twigs were also burned to fumigate the lodges of families afflicted by smallpox (Moerman, 1998). The Ojibwa heralded the cedar as one of the two most important trees in the forest. During ceremonies, sacred artifacts and participants were purified with the smoke of cedar leaves. At the start of the ceremony, an elder placed dried cedar leaves on top of a plate of live coals; the elder then fanned the wafting smoke across the sacred objects and the participants, who gathered the incense with their hands and waved it over their bodies. The Ojibwa also utilized the analgesic properties of the tree and created an infusion of its leaves to treat headaches. The infusion of leaves was used to purify the blood, treat coughs, and drunk for enjoyment. During sweats, cedar leaves were often added to the water along with white pine (Pinus strobus), hemlock (Tsuga canadensis), and balsam fir (Abies balsamea) (Smith, 1923). The woodland Cree employed a panacea made from the powdered branches of the cedar along with various other herbs to treat a host of ailments. The tribe further utilized the trees branches to make a decoction taken by those with pneumonia; another decoction, utilizing both the leaves and branches of the tree, was administered to those suffering from urinary troubles and bladder pain (Moerman, 1998). The Menominee used the inner bark of the cedar tree to treat disrupted menstruation caused by a cold. When a woman suffered a cessation of menses due to a cold, the inner bark of the cedar was harvested, dried, and seeped to make a tea that was drank to free the menses and recommence menstruation. The Menominee not only used the inner bark to season medicines, thereby enhancing their palatability, but the tribe also applied a compound poultice, which included the dried, powdered leaves of the cedar to swollen parts of the body. To awaken those who lost consciousness, the tribe

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

administered a smudge made of the cedar charcoal to the unconscious individual. Utilizing several plants, including white cedar, that contain diaphoretic properties, the Menominee created an infusion used in the sudatory known as "asapaki' tci. By combining the leaves of the yew (Taxus canadensis), hemlock, and cedar, the Menominee produced a potent infusion used to cure rheumatism, numbness, and paralysis. An individual suffering these ailments entered a sweat lodge containing a pot filled with the aforementioned herbs. Hot rocks were placed into the pot to boil the water and release a medicinal steam. Naked, the ill person would occupy the sweat lodge until the entire infusion was delivered (Smith, 1923). The Potawatomi used cedar as an adjuvant to improve the taste of bitter medicines and included the tree in a medicine used to stop hemorrhages. An acerbic medicine said to taste like bile, the remedy contains the heartwood of ironwood (Ostrya virginiana), the root of sweet flag (Acorus calamus), the root bark of shining willow (Salix lucida), and the heartwood of the cedar tree. The plant matter is placed in water and boiled until half the water evaporates, then a spoonful of the bitter remedy is taken hourly until the bleeding stops. The tribe also employed the leaves of the plant in combination with various roots and leaves of medicinal herbs in different poultices regularly used to treat illnesses. Lastly, the Potawatomi created a smudge by charring cedar wood and used this smudge to purge any evil spirits inhibiting the recovery of an ill person from them; the cedar smudge was also employed to purify sacred items (Smith, 1933). Beyond its medicinal tradition, the cedar tree was an essential construction material. The Chippewa employed the strong, rot-resistant wood of the cedar to form the ribs of their canoes, to frame their toboggans for winter travel, and to make spears for fishing sturgeon on the Great Lakes and their surrounding tributaries. Cedar leaves were also a prized perfume (Moerman, 1998). A pleasing and fragrant incense, the Ojibwa burned cedar to gain the favor of their archetypal hero, Winabojo (Smith, 1932). A utilitarian building material, the tribe used the light, straight wood of the cedar to fashion the frames of their canoes, and the bark of the tree made an excellent weaving material used by the Ojibwa and the Menominee to make bags and baskets (Moerman, 1998). By placing cedar leaves among layers of clothes, the Menominee warded off moths (Smith, 1923). Employed as a source of light, the Potawatomi rolled the bark of the tree into torches when hunting at night. In the Northeast, the Micmac, Malecite, and Algonquin all employed the strong, straight-grained wood to construct their canoes. The light, waterresistant wood was made into slats and ribs to form the skeleton of the canoe. The Malecite used the straight-grained, and therefore easily split wood, to make splints for their baskets. Both the Micmac and the Malecite used cedar wood to make hunting arrows, and the bark was used to tan hides. The Micmac also employed the cedar as a source of fuel, using the wood as kindling to start fires (Moerman, 1998). Oral Tradition: What follows is an epic myth illuminating the spiritual magnitude of the cedar to the Chippewa; The Legend of Winabojo and the Cedar Tree, as recorded by Frances Densmore on the White Earth Reservation in northern Minnesota: Many generations ago after Winabojo disappeared from the earth he lived on an island toward the sunrise. The direction of the sunset indicates death, but Winabojo was still alive and he lived in the east toward the sunrise. He could not be destroyed because he 20

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

was manido, neither could he be permitted to roam at will as he had done, so he was placed on this island to stay there as long as the earth endures. At that time there was a man who had only one daughter and she died. He felt that he could not live without her and kept telling his friends that he wanted to go to the spirit land and get his daughter. He was told that if he could find Winabojo he would learn the way to the spirit land, for Winabojo was the only one who could tell him. So he talked it over with the other Grand Medicine man, and five of them said they would go to the spirit land with him if they could first find the way to Winabojo. They went to the graves of their friends and called to their spirits. Finally they got a response. They asked, Can we find Winabojo? And the spirits of their friends answered, Yes, for he is still on the earth. Then the spirits told them how to find him. They went until they came to this island, far in the great lake (Superior). There they found Winabojo. He was too old to travel, and on his head was a beautiful cedar tree. Winabojo wore the cedar tree as an ornament and its roots were all around him. Beside him was a great round stone. One of the men asked if he could live always, as Winabojo was doing. Winabojo replied, No. You can only live your allotted years. The only way you can become perpetual is by becoming a stone. The man said, Yes. I will do so. Then the man became a stone and remained with Winabojo. The others wanted to go to the spirit land. Winabojo gave each of them a snake chain and told them to be sure not to untie these chains from around their waists. He said, You must stay only four days and four nights. You will not see the spirits by day, but at night they have a dance in the long wigwam. Go in quietly and sit down. To the father he said, Your daughter is there. Watch for her at the dance of the spirits in the long wigwam. Perhaps she will come and you will see her. Carry a bag with you. Put her in the bag and hold her tight. This is the only way in which you can get her. The Grand Medicine men did as Winabojo told them to do. There were only five remaining, as one had been turned into a stone. They went to the land of the spirits and sat quietly, watching the dance of the spirits in the long wigwam. All went well until the second day when one of the men wanted to untie his snake chain and see what would happen. He did this, and in a moment he became a spirit and his friends never saw him again. The remaining four men went to the dance every night and the father watched for his daughter. On the fourth night toward morning he saw her come into the wigwam. Her head was covered by her blanket but he recognized her, and when she came near he grasped her in his arms. She struggled, but by the help of his friends he got her into the bag. Then they all returned to Winabojo, and he told them how they could get her back to the earth. He told them to start on their way, and when night came they were to tie the bag in a safe place, then retrace their steps as far as a persons voice could be heard and make their camp. They were told to do this every night until they reached home. They did as Winabojo had instructed them and reached home safely. Winabojo had told them to make a sweat lodge and they made it. He also said there must be no crying nor wailing. Inside the sweat lodge he made a bed of cedar boughs and on it he laid the bag that he had brought from the spirit land. He did everything as Winabojo had commanded and sat down outside the lodge. After a while he heard his daughter say, Come and let me out. He went into the lodge, untied the bag, and his daughter came out. He greeted her, but there was no outcry, as Winabojo had commanded. Then his daughter was the same as before she went to the spirit land. (Densmore, 1974)

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

DATURA ~ Datura stramonium


Common names: Thorn Apple, Jimson Weed, Devils Weed, Angels Trumpet, Moonflower Algic name: Wysoccan (Algonquin) Scientific name: Datura stramonium ~ Solanaceae (Nightshade family) WARNING: Toxic poison: Causes severe hallucinations and may lead to death! Habitat: A wildflower native to the Americas, Europe, Asia, and northern Africa, Datura commonly occupies wastelands and roadsides across North America (Spinella, 2001). Preferring well-lit areas and shallow soils, Datura rarely occupies deeply wooded forests (Hutchens, 1991). Taxonomy: From the same family as mandrake, henbane, and belladonna, Datura belongs to the alkaloid rich Nightshade family (Simpson, 2001). An annual reaching 3 to 4 feet in height, Datura produces ovate, unevenly coarse-toothed leaves (Hutchens, 1991). A distinct narcotic odor permeates from the foliage of Datura, for which it begot the name stink weed (Spinella, 2001). Single, large trumpet-shaped flowers, ranging in shade from white to violet, blossom from May to September. Many seeds mature inside a hard, prickly capsule that contains four chambers (Foster & Duke, 2000). Parts Used: Whole plant. Uses: Hallucinogen, anodyne. Preparation and Application: A potent narcotic hallucinogen and anodyne, the entire herb contains mind, and body-altering tropane alkaloids, principally hyoscyamine, scopolamine, and, to a lesser extent, atropine (Armstrong, 1998). The most efficacious parts of the herb are the roots and seeds. A mind-altering dosage may include as little as 3 to 5 seeds. Toxic and fat soluble, scopolamine produces the hallucinatory state sought after in ritual and ceremonial use. Considered an anticholinergic, scopolamine blocks acetylcholine action, opening the bronchial passages and stimulating the intestines and bladder, while mimicking serotonin, which regulates sensory perception, sleep, body temperature, and produces psychedelic visions (Spinella, 2001). Datura stramonium is known for causing delirious states and poisoning uninformed users. Effects include: euphoria and surreal interactions with the world, hallucinations and loss of the sense of time, inability to focus, nausea, ataxia, fear, anxiety, paranoia, amnesia, impaired cognitive function, sedation, stupor, and delirium (Simpson, 2001). Indigenous to nearly the entire world, Datura has a long history of use by humans. An energetic narcotic, the powerful effects of Datura stramonium were well known to the Native Americans long before European contact (Spinella, 2001). In the past, studies cited Datura stramonium as naturalized to the New World from the Old World; however, new research suggests that the herb originated in the Americas and migrated to the Old World in pre-Colombian times (Armstrong, 1998). More importantly, Datura remains a sacred herb to nearly all Native American peoples.

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

The Lenni Lenape, or Delaware, utilized the hallucinatory power of Datura stramonium to manifest divine inspiration. Medicine men attained oracular visions by consuming the psychoactive entheogen. The ensuing delirium produced extraordinary visions and insights that foretold the weaknesses of their enemies and revealed hidden truths (Baskin, 1967). Many Californian peoples utilized Datura similarly, drinking fermented infusions of the mashed roots or seeds to attain prophetic divinations. The brew, known as toloache, was also administered to the youth of the tribes during ritual dances initiating adolescents into manhood. The intoxicated youth would dance in wild circles around the fire until they became unconscious (Safford, 1920). Often an animal or life itself would be witnessed during the episode. If an animal were seen, the adolescent adopted the creature as medicine: the animal, believed to be the individuals guardian, could never be killed by the individual, less it save him in a time of need. If life itself were beheld, a ghost would become the protector of the adolescent: a desired guardian for one could never kill a ghost (Schultes & Hoffman, 1995). The use of Datura during puberty initiation rituals was common to Native American tribes inhabiting the west as well as the east coast of North America. Most notoriously, the Virginia Algonquin and other Algonquian peoples used Datura stramonium in an ancient coming-of-age ritual, the huskanawing ceremony (Safford, 1920). Used as a ceremonial hallucinogen, a decoction of Datura stramonium roots, known as wysoccan, literally it is bitter, was imbibed by the tribes youth upon gaining virility (Schultes & Hoffman, 1995; Simpson, 2001). Performed every 14 to 16 years, the liminal ceremony initiated promising adolescents into manhood, preparing them to occupy positions of leadership within the tribe. Only the most capable and auspicious youth, already having proven their prestige while hunting or travelling, partook in the ceremony (Safford, 1920). The initiates were sequestered in special longhouses or lattice enclosures for as long as three-to-four months at a time and given nothing to eat or drink except the intoxicating decoction of Datura stramonium roots. A caretaker, appointed by the Elders, watched the boys, isolated in cages made of young saplings deep in the woods (Safford, 1920). The caretaker slowly increased the potency of the decoction of roots, driving the adolescents into a suspended period of psychosis and delirium for 18 to 20 days (Davis, 1985). By this time the adolescents were stark raving mad from starving and hallucinating. During this extraordinary trial, the young adolescents unlived their former lives, forgetting past inhibitions, childhood memories, even their own language. The philosophy of the ritual stems from the undoing of the past in order to become a man without childish imperfections and emotions. The unlearning allowed the men to receive new impressions about the world and the society they served (Safford, 1920). Before the affects of the drug wore off, the former adolescents, now men, returned home. Without a remembrance of their language, they were unable to speak, and without a remembrance of their parents, they did not know their own family. Slowly, the men regained sanity. Their keepers kept strict watch over them, and for a time the men did not speak or react to their surroundings. More so, if they expressed any remembrance of their former lives, any at all, they would be forced to undergo the huskanawing ceremony again. Rarely did individuals survive a second ceremony: the amount and potency of

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

wysoccan administered became lethal. After re-learning their language and the traditions of their people, the men could occupy powerful positions in the society as officers, warriors, healers, and priests (Safford, 1920). Medicinally, Native American healers applied Datura stramonium externally as an anodyne to bruises, swellings, and burns to relieve pain and inflammation (Vogel, 1970). The anticholinergic effects of the herb made it a useful and potent medicine. Due to its fat solubility, the tropane alkaloids present in Datura may be easily absorbed through the skin or mucous membranes (Armstrong, 1998). To garner its analgesic effects, the healers made a poultice of crushed leaves that was bound externally to the affected part of the body. In rare circumstances, a poultice of fresh Datura leaves was applied externally to sores or bruises on horses or other animals. More so, due to its ability to inhibit secretions of the lungs and sinus, the dried leaves of Datura stramonium were smoked to relieve asthma (Hutchens, 1991). The traditional uses of Datura informed modern society of the medicinal value of the herb, leading to its incorporation into modern medicine. Today, Datura stramonium remains unscheduled by the United States government, and the herb maintains modern economic and medicinal value due to its chemical repository. Datura stramonium contains trace levels of atropine, a valuable compound used in ophthalmology. A muscle relaxant, atropine dilates the pupil. More importantly, atropine resuscitates individuals suffering cardiac arrest from low blood pressure. Until the onset of the twentieth century, a prescription of morphine and scopolamine containing plants, such as Papaver somniferum and Datura stramonium, were employed in surgery and prescribed to reduce severe pain and inflammation (Armstrong, 1998). However, since Datura stramonium contains deadly toxins that not only cause severe hallucinations and delirium but may also lead to death if taken in high doses, the use of the herb as a medicinal fell out of common practice with the advent of more easy to dose, modern synthetic pharmaceuticals, many of which are based on tropane alkaloids (Spinella, 2001). The indigenous peoples of the Americas revered Datura stramonium. The sacred entheogen allowed individuals to gain a new perception and understanding of the world they occupied. Used universally to alter human consciousness, Datura maintained a prominent role in the cultures of many indigenous peoples. The sacred wisdom of the herb manifests the divine and imparts deep respect for the mysteries of the natural world in those who encounter it. Personal Experience: To avoid unwanted complications, always wear gloves when collecting Datura. The best time to gather the herb is when the flowers are in full blossom. Dry them for future use in a well-shaded environment.

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

FLY AGARIC ~ Amanita muscaria


Common names: Fly Amanita, Fly Agaric Scientific name: ~ Amanita muscaria ~ Amanitaceae (Agaric family) Algic name: Oshtimisk Wajashkwedo (Ojibwa) WARNING: Poisonous! Habitat: A walk into the woods after a day or two of rain reveals an abundance of Amanita muscaria. A treasure of fruiting Amanita muscaria canvas the dank forest floor. Preferring neither hardwood nor conifer, the fly agaric commonly abounds in forests across North America wherever moist soil, humid air, and shade prevails (Miller, 2006). In northeastern North America, the ubiquitous blood-red cap of the fly agaric draws the eye conspicuously to its locale. Taxonomy: Many species of Amanita grow in the woods of North America, some deadly poisonous and others edible: The fly agaric being a poisonous species. The fungus is characterized by a broad, convex cap between 3 to 9 inches wide, most often a bright shade of yellow, orange, or red dotted with white, fleshy warts. The flesh of the mushroom remains firm and white throughout. The white stalk, covered with white, silky hairs, expands outward into a bulb near the base of the mushroom. Three concentric circles ring the bulb, and a thin partial veil recedes back from the cap on the stem (Miller, 2006). Parts Used: Fruiting body. Uses: Hallucinogen, entheogen. Preparation and Application: Annually, Ojibwa shamans used Amanita muscaria in ancient religious ceremonies (Schultes, 1998). The fly agaric contains the powerful psychotropic compounds muscimol and ibotenic acid as well as trace amounts of muscarine. Ibotenic acid and muscimol are closely related; the former is derived from the latter through an organic chemical reaction that is induced by dehydration. The inebriating effects of the fly agaric are due to muscimol. The effects of ingesting Amanita muscaria differ for each individual since each persons body distinctly metabolizes ibotenic acid into muscimol. After ingesting the fly agaric, users undergo a period of confusion and vertigo followed by unawareness of time and space, loss of equilibrium, increased sensitivity to the aural plane, euphoria, and a general sedative feeling. Moreover, gastrointestinal disruptions and nausea are normal and grow more intense with increased dosage (Needham, 2011). Perhaps most importantly, a marked dream-like state saturated the shaman, followed by a deep sleep which produced vivid dreams that allowed the shaman to interact lucidly with his surroundings and connect with spirits that revealed celestial prophecies and foretold the future of the tribe. Personal Experience: Never eat mushrooms raw! Always cook or dry mushrooms before enjoying. To eliminate toxins and enhance the effects of the fly agaric, dry the fungus in a dark place with good airflow. Once dry, brew a tea of the dried fungus.

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

INDIAN PIPE ~ Monotropa uniflora


Scientific name: Monotropa uniflora ~ Ericaceae (Heath family) Common names: Indianpipe, Ghost Plant, Ice Plant, Birds Nest Algic names: Weakos'nk or Mena'mabag weabsk'nak (Potawatomi) Habitat: A rare wonder of the botanical world, Indian pipe grows in boreal and temperate forests. Preferring moist, shaded earth mulched with decomposing leaves and decayed wood, the plant thrives in solitary tracts often absent of other herbaceous plants (Leake, 1994). In North America, the plants range extends from Maine to the Carolinas and west to the Mississippi River (Foster & Duke, 2000). The plant may also be found on the Pacific Coast from California to British Columbia. Taxonomy: A saprophytic perennial, Indian pipe contains no chlorophyll. The ethereal plant is translucent white and possesses thin, scale like of leaves. The pallid wildflower reaches 4-8 inches in height and often grows in small clusters (Foster & Duke, 2000), as indicated by the Potawatomi translation of weakos'nk in a bunch (Smith, 1933). Each flowering stem produces a single flower, as evinced by its Latin translation one flower. As it sprouts, the bell-shaped flower nods downward, and later unfurls vertically at maturity (Foster & Duke, 2000). The flowering of the plant depends on moisture and temperature, but the plant usually blooms from July to September (Drum, 2005). Parts used: Whole plant. Uses: Sedative, anti-spasmodic, tonic. Preparation and Application: As an epiparasite unable to photosynthesize, Indian pipe relies on mycorrhizal fungi of the Russula family to provide it with access to nutrients. Mycorrhizal fungi form a symbiotic relationship with myriad species of trees that provide the fungi with photosynthetic sugars; in return, the fungi help the trees uptake minerals and water: Indian pipe saps the photosynthetic sugars the fungi receives from the tree. Although known to possess considerable healing properties, the complete benefits of Indian pipe remain undetermined. However, the plant does possess powerful nervine agents and caution must be taken when ingesting the puissant plant in relatively small doses since it produces a deep sleep characterized by lucid dreams (Drum, 2005). Ethnobotanical records indicate folk herbalists used the plant as a substitute for opium as an analgesic, and quinine as a febrifuge as well as to treat epileptic fits and seizures (Smith, 1933). Indigenous peoples managed to conserve populations of the plant to allow for its perpetual use. To avoid bruising the fragile flower of the plant, Indian pipe is harvested on rainy days or days that are moist and cool. Care is taken not to harm the flower or the roots since they degrade quickly and easily upon contact. To harvest, dig around the plant with a heavy spade and uproot the entire plant. Clean gently with water and use immediately or set the plant out to dry in a warm area with steady airflow for up to two weeks or until preserved (Drum, 2005). An infrequent plant, there are few records of its use among the Algonquian peoples; however, the woodland Cree chewed the flower of the plant to relieve toothaches (Moerman, 1998), and the Potawatomi made a decoction from the root and administered the potent medicinal tea to women as a gynecological aid to alleviate female troubles (Smith, 1933).

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

KINNIKINNICK ~ Arctostaphylos uva-ursi


Common names: Common Bearberry, Bears Grape, Upland Cranberry Scientific name: Arctostaphylos uva-ursi ~ Ericaceae (Heath family) Algic name: Sagakominagunj (Chippewa) Habitat: A common perennial native to North America, Asia, and Europe, bearberry inhabits the northern expanses of the world, preferring sandy, sterile soils and rocky gravel outcroppings (Hutchens, 1991). In North America, bearberry extends from the Pacific Ocean to the Great Lakes to the Atlantic Ocean, creeping as far south as Virginia and surviving as far north as the Arctic (Gibbons, 1966). Taxonomy: A type of cranberry, bearberry begets its common name from the bears affinity for its fruit (Vogel, 1970). A low-growing, creeping evergreen, bearberry grows close to the earth, densely matting the ground (Gibbons, 1966). The branches of the woody shrub are flexible and the bark a brownish-red color. The alternate, oval, or spoon-shaped leaves are dark green and leathery; however, in winter some of the leaves may turn brown (Pojar, 1994). Bearberry blooms from May to June, its white, urnshaped flowers, sometimes tinged pinkish-red, drop in clusters and give way to dry red berries that taste mealy but look lustrous. The glossy fruit ripens late and often does not drop from the plant until the start of winter (Foster & Duke, 2000). Parts Used: Leaves. Uses: Astringent, tonic, diuretic. Preparation and Application: To prepare an infusion of bearberry, add a heaping tablespoon of fresh or dried leaves to a pint of boiling water. For the best results, let the infusion cool and drink warm. Repeat two or three times daily until remedied. Medicinally, bearberry draws attention for its ability to cure inflammations of the urinary tract, including the bladder and kidney. The infusion is used especially for women (Hutchens, 1991). The woodland Cree used bearberry as an astringent. An infusion of blueberry and bearberry was taken to bring about menstruation. Similarly, women drank a decoction of blueberry and bearberry stems to prevent miscarriages and recover their health after giving birth; a decoction of bearberry root and other herbs helped stop excessive menstrual bleeding. To cure a childs diarrhea, a parent administered a mixture of grease and bearberry fruit to the sick child (Moerman, 1998). For back sprains, the Cheyenne made an infusion of bearberry by boiling the entire above ground portion of the plant in water. The resulting infusion was drunk and the remaining wet leaves were applied to the sprain externally (Vogel, 1970). The Cheyenne used the infusion as an analgesic for chronic back pain as well. Most unorthodoxly, when a member of the tribe became mentally deranged, bearberry leaves were burned, the smoke of the herb flushing the evil spirits out of the crazed person. The

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

Cheyenne and the Menominee added the berries of the herb to various medicinal preparations to make them more palatable (Moerman, 1998). The Blackfoot primarily applied bearberry externally to promote hygiene. To heal canker sores and sore gums, the Blackfoot washed out the mouth with an infusion of bearberry leaves. To produce a salve used to ameliorate itching from rashes and sores as well as peeling skin, they mixed animal grease and boiled hoof with an infusion of bearberry. The Blackfoot also used the salve to wash their infants heads (Moerman, 1998). The Ojibwa employed bearberry both ceremonially and medicinally. Applied externally to heal rheumatism, the Ojibwa used an infusion of ground bearberry to wash the inflamed and painful parts of the body. This infusion also acted as a panacea commonly used to treat other external illnesses. Those suffering from internal blood diseases drank a decoction of bearberry bark to cleanse the blood. The leaves were used in ceremony and smoked to cause intoxication. The Chippewa smoked a combination of bearberry leaves and wild tobacco known as kinnikinnick. Upon introduction of cultivated tobacco to the Americas, Native Americans began to smoke a mixture of dried bearberry leaves and industrial tobacco (Hutchens, 1991). The bearberry leaves were dried and ground together with tobacco and smoked to remedy headaches. The herbs roots were smoked ceremonially to attract game before hunting (Moerman, 1998). In addition, the berries were cooked with meat to provide additional seasoning for the broth (Densmore, 1974). Personal Experience: For the best medicinal product, pick fresh or gather the leaves of kinnikinnick in early autumn and air-dry them in a warm, dry room away from direct heat or sunlight and with continuous air circulation.

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

PINK LADYS SLIPPER ~ Cypripedium acaule


Common names: Pink Ladys Slipper, Moccasin Flower, Stemless Ladys Slipper, American Valerian Scientific name: Cypripedium acaule ~ Orchidaceae (Orchid family) Algic names: Kukuwemakeshi (Meskwaki); Piwidjabakeksgil (Penobscot) Habitat: One of 11 native species of orchids found wild in North America (Hutchens, 1991), the pink ladys slipper often grows in dry, rich woods dominated by white, red, and Scotch pine or black spruce, but may also be found in deciduous forests. An adaptive plant, the pink ladys slipper prefers acidic, sandy loam and may often be found growing near bogs (Riley, 1955). An occasional plant most often inhabiting the northern reaches of eastern North America from Minnesota to Newfoundland, the pink ladys slipper is considered rare and unusual in Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia where isolated populations remain (Foster & Duke, 2000). Taxonomy: A perennial herb, the pink ladys slipper grows 8 inches to 2 feet tall (Mittelhauser, 2010). From a thick clump of white, fleshy roots, the plant produces two basal leaves that fold inward, deeply creased by lateral veins. From between the plants leaf a single, pubescent stem sprouts upward (Riley, 1955). The plants pink blossom possesses a large hanging pouch with reddish or brown veins and a single slit that splits the flowers vertical axis. The stylized flower blooms from May to June (Foster & Duke, 2000). Parts Used: Root. Uses: Nervine, antiperiodic, tonic. Preparation and Application: The pink ladys slipper contains several medicinal properties. Although not a narcotic, the plant acts as a strong nervine, relieving pain and producing a state of calm for both mind and body. Generally, the plant revives the exhausted nervous system and improves circulation. The root is especially effective when treating nervous exhaustion, insomnia, and depression. To harvest, gather the root of the plant in August or September and clean well (Hutchens, 1991). The pink ladys slipper may cause dermatitis in some individuals, and the gatherer must take extra precaution to know his or her bodys reaction to the plant and avoid the glandulous hairs on the leaves and stem that cause the allergic reaction. The Algonquian peoples knew of the plants formidable medicinal values for centuries. The Algonquin used the root variously to treat painful, debilitating conditions. An infusion of the plant, made by steeping the root in hot water, was drunk to ease menstruation, cure venereal diseases (Black, 1980), ameliorate stomachaches, solve urinary tract problems, and heal children suffering from kidney troubles (Moerman, 1998). In all of these cases, the root infusion was taken internally. The Menominee made a similar infusion of the root, using it to treat urinary disorders in men (Smith, 1923). The Micmac and the Penobscot used the root to cure nervousness. Overwhelmed

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

individuals drank an infusion of the root as a sedative to calm their nerves and restore faculty (Prins, 2007; Moerman, 1998; Speck, 1917). The root was also known to stop convulsions (Prins, 2007). Most intriguingly, the Meskwaki created a love medicine using the ladys slipper root along with several other plant ingredients. The formula of the love potion follows: stamens from a white ash (Fraxinus americana), stiff cowbane root (Oxypolis rigidior), parsnip root (Pastinaca sativa), root of purple meadow rue (Thalictrum dasycarpum), queen of the prairie root (Filipendula rubra), and prairie phlox (Phlox pilosa) (Smith, 1928).

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

RASPBERRY ~ Rubus strigosus


Common names: Red Raspberry, Froboise. American Raspberry Scientific name: Rubus strigosus ~ Rosaceae (Rose family) Algic name: Mis-kou-min (Ottawa); Miskominagawunj (Chippewa) Habitat: Native to North America, the raspberry grows throughout the Algic landscape. Varieties of raspberries grow throughout the entire temperate world and are commonly cultivated for their fruit. In the wild, the plant thrives in thickets, clearings, and open woods (Hutchens, 1991). Taxonomy: Although a perennial, the raspberry exhibits biennial growth patterns. The plant possesses a woody, hollow stem or cane that reaches a height of 3-6 feet at maturity. Straight, slender prickles often coat the smooth, upright stem and branches (Foster & Duke, 2000). The alternating leaves of the plant are dark green above and white/grey beneath and possess 3-7 doubly serrated, oval leaflets about 3 inches long and round at the base. Small white flowers hang in clusters and bloom in early spring (MayJune). Delicious red aggregate fruits follow, ripening from July through August (Hutchens, 1991). Parts Used: Root, leaves, fruit. Affects: Astringent, tonic, edible. Preparation and Use: As a medicinal herb, the Algonquian primarily utilized the roots and leaves of the raspberry plant. An infusion of raspberry leaves makes a soothing tea, pleasing to the palate and calming to the body. The tea was regarded for its mild astringent ability. The Algonquin and Ojibwa used the infusion as a remedy for diarrhea and dysentery. As an astringent the infusion effectively constricted the inflamed inner membranes of the intestines and colon thereby reducing expulsions of blood and mucus, allowing the ill person to hydrate while their body fought off the bacteria infecting them. Similarly, the Algonquin made a decoction of the root and drank the decoction to eliminate blood from their urine. The woodland Cree made a decoction from the root and stem of the raspberry to ease parturition (Moerman, 1998). Women drank the tea to effectively treat menstrual cramps and to reduce bleeding during and after childbirth (Foster & Duke, 2000). As an astringent the tea affects a womans contractions, helping her focus her energy. The tea also strengthens the uterus, allowing a womans uterus to tighten more quickly after giving birth. These effects made raspberry a choice herbal remedy to ease giving birth and swiftly recover afterward. Nearly all the Algonquian peoples included the fruit of the raspberry in their diet. The peoples commonly ate the fresh fruit as it ripened throughout the summer. However, due to the fruits seasonality, some tribes developed ways to preserve the fruit to eat out of season. Often the fruit was simply dried and eaten in the winter. Using the dried fruit, the Cree made a winter meal from raspberries, dried fish, and fish oil. The woodland Cree also ate the young shoots of the plant when it first emerged in the spring. The shoots were gathered and the outer bark peeled away before being eaten. The Ojibwa and

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

Potawatomi preserved the raspberries for winter use by making jams and jellies. Often during summer gatherings, the Ojibwa made raspberry cakes by cooking the fruit down and drying it out on birch bark in the sun (Moerman, 1998). A common summer drink was also made from the plant. The Chippewa made a refreshing beverage by adding young raspberry stems to cold water. A similar drink, made by steeping the leaves of the plant, was served as a hot tea (Densmore, 1974). Personal Experience: Growing up, each summer my father packed our station wagon full of essentials, loaded up the family, and drove north to escape the mechanized movements of life in the city, north to where moonlight replaced the constant buzz of the citys halogen street lamps. Upon arriving in the north woods of Wisconsin, the dirt roads snaking through the forest were lined with raspberries. The clearings provided by the roads allowed stupendous thickets of prickly raspberry bushes to thrive. Upon reaching our destination in the woods, the first call to duty was to collect as many raspberries as possible and eat that many more. After filling a bucket with the succulent, sweet fruits, we would all return to camp and prepare a fire. While the fire burned down to hot coals, the fixings of a raspberry cobbler were prepared. A simple batter of flour, sugar, and water prepared, the raspberries were strewn into the bottom of a Dutch oven and the batter poured over top. When the coals were bright, a hole was dug in the fire and the Dutch oven placed within and the top covered with more coals. After a while, the piping hot raspberry cobbler, baked to perfection, was ready to eat.

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

SARSAPARILLA ~ Aralia nudicaulus


Common names: Wild Sarsaparilla, Small Spikenard, Spignet, Quill, Quay Scientific name: Aralia nudicaulis ~ Apiaceae (Carrot Family) Algic names: Wabosodjibik (Ojibwa) Habitat: Wild sarsaparilla commonly inhabits the understory of eastern North Americas temperate and boreal forests, extending south to Georgia, north to Newfoundland, west to the Mississippi River, and east to the Atlantic Ocean. The plant flourishes in moist soils shaded by hickory, beech, maple, oak, or other hardwoods (Foster & Duke, 2000). Taxonomy: A flowering perennial plant, wild sarsaparilla reaches up to 2 feet in height. The plant possesses a smooth, straight stalk that divides into three stems that branch up and out. Each branch contains a compound leaf made up of 3-5 finely serrated, oval leaflets. The flowers, divided into 1 to 3 umbrella-shaped clusters, rest below the leaves on a separate stalk that extends upward from the base of the plant (Foster & Duke, 2000). The greenish-white flowers blossom from late spring to early summer (May through July) and are succeeded by purplish-black berries (Newcomb, 1977). Parts Used: Root, fruit. Uses: Tonic, diaphoretic, aromatic, edible. Preparation and Application: Medicinal and edible, wild sarsaparilla contains essential oil, potassium chloride, protein, pectic and acetic acid, mucilage, and various salts of lime, magnesium, potash, and iron oxide (Hutchens, 1991). A well-known plant among the Algonquian peoples, the tribes commonly employed wild sarsaparilla for its medicinal and aromatic properties. Seasonally, the women gathered the roots from areas known to abound in the plant. The women harvested the root by hand or by digging up the root with a wooden spade. Once harvested, the roots were air dried, then cut into pieces, bundled together, and stored inside a lodge; the collected roots lasted the entire year (Vogel, 1970). By boiling an ounce of crushed wild sarsaparilla root in a pint of water a useful tea and/or wash may be procured (Hutchens, 1991). Universally, the Algonquian peoples prepared wild sarsaparilla by boiling the root in water. The peoples drank this decoction as a tonic for lethargy, general exhaustion, stomachaches, and coughs. The Micmac and Penobscot administered wild sarsaparilla root to cure colds and coughs. The Abnaki and Ojibwa utilized the brew to purify and strengthen the blood, and lower blood pressure. Utilizing the decoction as a wash, the woodland Cree cleaned the mouths of teething children with the decoction to prevent infected gums and ease their childrens pain. The southern Ojibwa brewed a decoction that included the plants root, among other herbs, that they drank to stop menstrual bleeding. They also applied an infusion containing wild sarsaparilla root and other herbs, to the chest and legs of horses to stimulate the animals whereas the Algonquin seeped the crushed root of the plant in hot water and administered the resultant infusion to children afflicted with kidney diseases (Moerman, 1998).

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

Besides the decoction, the Algonquian peoples commonly employed poultices of wild sarsaparilla root while there were many ways to prepare a poultice from wild sarsaparilla root, the easiest preparation consisted of chewing the fresh root into a pulp and applying the ground root to the affected part of the body. The woodland Cree and Algonquin used this method to draw out infections, especially ear infections (Moerman, 1998). Variably, a poultice, made by mashing the fresh root of the plant into pulp, was applied to burns, sores, ulcers, itching, and abscesses as well as to cure infections and reduce swelling (Foster & Duke, 2000). Dried wild sarsaparilla root was also ground into a powder and variously applied. The southern Ojibwa used the powdered root to stop nosebleeds whereas the Cree used the powder as a panacea to cure myriad ailments (Moerman, 1998). As a dietary source, wild sarsaparilla was used primarily as a beverage; however, during extended war or hunting expeditions, Algonquian men ate copious amounts of the plants root, since it was common and invigorating. Beyond its medicinal value as a decoction, many Algonquian tribes employed the plants root as an aromatic spice to produce various tonics. The Montagnais, Algonquin, and other northeastern Algonquian tribes fermented the ripened berries of the plant in cold water to make a rejuvenating wine (Moerman, 1998). Lastly, the southern Ojibwa utilized the root of the plant as a charm. They made a decoction by combining the roots of Acorus calamus (Acoraceae), or sweet flag, and wild sarsaparilla to apply to their fishing nets. This decoction was also used to rattle snakes away (Densmore, 1974). Personal Experience: Wild sarsaparilla root tastes and smells wonderful. I suggest making a tea out of the dried roots. First, gather the roots of several wild sarsaparilla plants, remembering not to collect too heavily from any one population. I have found the best time to harvest the root is in the spring before the plant sends up its annual growth, if necessary, harvest in the fall after the plant disseminates its seeds: either way, harvest the root when the plant is dormant. Next, cut the collected roots into small pieces and dry them in an oven on a baking pan or in the sun on a drying rack. The dried roots may then be ground into a powder or left as is. Either form yields a delicious and refreshing tea when brewed. Simply add a tablespoon of the prepared root per cup of boiling water and steep for ten minutes or until the water turns dark reddish brown. Serve hot or cold and enjoy!

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

SUGAR MAPLE ~ Acer saccharum


Common names: Rock Maple, Hard Maple Scientific name: Acer saccharum ~ Sapindaceae (Soapberry family) Algic name: Aninatig (Chippewa) Habitat: The sugar maple occupies the heart of the territory claimed by Algonquianspeaking groups, growing throughout the eastern deciduous forest. The hardwoods range extends east to Missouri and Minnesota and west to the Atlantic. Populations of sugar maples do not extend north beyond central Quebec, southern Ontario, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick. The southern limit of the tree is the eastern Appalachians in Tennessee and western North Carolina; however, groves of outliers occur in Georgia, South Carolina, and Kansas to the west. Preferring moist, calcium rich soil, the sugar maple is most often found in upland terrain; however, it may also be found on moist, rocky slopes (Godman, 2004). Taxonomy: A deciduous hardwood, the sugar maple may be most easily identified during autumn, when its leaves turn stunning variations of yellow, orange, scarlet, and red. Sugar maples reach a height of 60-100 feet and may live for 300 years. The 3-5 inch wide leaves are opposite, with 3-5 lobes and are a dark green above and pale green below (Forest Trees of Maine, 2008). Small, yellow or green flowers, pollinated by bees in the spring, preface the winged fruit, or double samara, of the sugar maple (Connor, 1994). Parts Used: Sap, heartwood. Uses: Edible, material. Preparation and Application: The sugar maple was essential to Algonquian tribes, such as the Potawatomi, Algonquin, Malecite, Menomonee, Meskwaki, Micmac, Chippewa, and Ojibwa that inhabited temperate woodland territories. The sap of the sugar maple provided these tribes with an essential source of nourishment and a prized commodity in intertribal trade. The peoples made the sugar maples sap into vinegar, syrup, and sugar; the latter was used in nearly all cooking in place of salt. In addition, the unprocessed sap that came straight from the tree was drunk in combination with birch or elder sap, or by itself, as a refreshing summer tonic. Maple sugar was a valuable commodity in intertribal trade, especially when trading with tribes who lived outside the natural range of the sugar maple. The rich heartwood of the sugar maple provided the tribes with a source of hardwood used to make paddles, oars, ladles, spoons, bowls, bows, and arrows (Moerman, 1998). In early spring, the women left their families at their winter camps and made their way through wet snow to the semi-permanent sugar camp to prepare the main lodge for the sugaring season. Walking over the terrain on snowshoes, the women carried rolls of birch bark on their backs, which they used to enclose permanent structures, making the sugar camp pleasant and comfortable for living. Once deemed hospitable, the women left the sugar camp and returned to pack and move the winter camp. If a particular winter were known to have damaged the frame of the sugar lodge or if heavier sheets of cedar 43

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

or elm bark were used as wall coverings the men set out a few days before the women to perform the labor-intensive structural repairs. The women then escorted the elderly and children to the sugar bush a few days later, using sleds or toboggans pulled by dogs to carry the familys belongings. As more and more families gathered at the sugar camp, a festive atmosphere arose, breaking the solitude of winter when the tribe broke into small, secluded family units (Densmore, 1974). Sugar camps were located in territory rich with sugar maples. Each family had their own sugar bush that constituted a section of the maples surrounding the sugar camp. Sometimes smaller families worked collectively to harvest and process the maple sap. Each camp operated between 900 and 2,000 taps with larger trees having multiple taps. The trees were tapped along paths to make collecting the sap easier. Only individuals skilled in using an ax were allowed to tap the maples; however, both men and women tapped the trees. To tap the sugar maples, a 3-inch diagonal notch was cut into the trunk of the tree about 3 feet above the ground. A strip of bark, approximately four inches in length, directly beneath the lower edge of the cut was then removed to guide the sap into the spile, which was made by splitting the bough of a slippery elm and hollowing out the pith; the spile was inserted using a curved stone chisel, and later, an auger. The spile guided the sap into birch bark containers placed at the base of the maple below the tap. If washed and stored properly, a birch bark container could last five years or more: the containers were stored in a permanent lodge at the sugar bush; it was common to cache sets of utensils at semi-permanent camps (Densmore, 1974). The sugaring season began in the middle of March and lasted for about a month. Once the trees were tapped, sap collecting began. When cold, the birch bark containers were set out early in the morning before the sap began to run. By early evening the sap froze in the trees, and the process of gathering the sap collected by the containers could begin. The containers of sap at the base of the maple were emptied into birch bark pails with handles made of basswood coils that made it easy to transport the sap back to the sugar lodge (Connor, 1994). Often in larger camps, barrels were placed along the trails to fill with sap and were moved by sled to the sugar lodge. After the sap was brought to the sugar lodge, it was stored in troughs near the doors and covered with birch bark to keep twigs and moss from falling in. Once a significant amount of sap was gathered the process of boiling the sap into sugar and syrup began. The women, charged with boiling down the sap into syrup, built a large fire at the center of the sugar lodge to heat stones. The heated stones were carefully placed into large pots, constructed from birch bark or dug out cedar trunks, containing the raw sap. The sap was boiled for a night and then strained and set aside. Eventually, the semiprocessed sap would be boiled down into syrup or granulated sugar; however, due to the arduous nature and necessity for full attention during this final stage, finishing the sugaring process was put off until all of the sap for that season had been gathered or a rainstorm provided a lull in the sugaring. After all the sap had been collected for the season, the women processed the sap into a variety of forms; often the men assisted in stirring the thickening sap: syrup, a main source of nourishment, would be stored in birch bark containers and was often buried under the earth; granulated maple sugar, formed by pressing the cooling syrup with maple ladles against a wooden trough, became an

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

essential seasoning for cooking throughout the year; and hard, taffy-like maple candies, made by pouring maple syrup into birch bark containers and freezing them in the snow, were a favorite treat of children (Densmore, 1974). Medicine was often mixed with maple syrup when given to children (Moerman, 1998). Oral Tradition: The following Ojibwa legend, Manabozho and the Maple Trees, recorded by Michael Caduto in Keepers of the Earth, describes one possible origin to the demanding process of making maple syrup. A very long time ago, when the world was new, the Gitchee Manitou (Great Spirit) made things so that life was very easy for the people. There was plenty of game and the weather was always good and the maple trees were filled with thick sweet syrup. Whenever anyone wanted to get maple syrup from the trees, all they had to do was break off a twig and collect it as it dripped out. One day, Manabozho went walking around. "I think I'll go see how my friends the Anishinabe are doing," he said. So, [sic] he went to their village. But, [sic] there was no one around. So, [sic] Manabozho looked for the people. They were not fishing in the streams or the lake. They were not working in the fields hoeing their crops. They were not gathering berries. Finally, he found them. They were in the grove of maple trees near the village. They were just lying on their backs with their mouths open, letting maple syrup drip into their mouths. "This will NOT do!" Manabozho said. "My people are all going to be fat and lazy if they keep on living this way." So, [sic] Manabozho went down to the river. He took with him a big basket he had made of birch bark. With this basket, he brought back many buckets of water. He went to the top of the maple trees and poured water in, so that it thinned out the syrup. Now, thick maple syrup no longer dripped out of the broken twigs. Now what came out was thin and watery and just barely sweet to the taste. "This is how it will be from now on," Manabozho said. "No longer will syrup drip from the maple trees. Now there will only be this watery sap. When people want to make maple syrup they will have to gather many buckets full of the sap in a birch bark basket like mine. They will have to gather wood and make fires so they can heat stones to drop into the baskets. They will have to boil the water with the heated stones for a long time to make even a little maple syrup. Then my people will no longer grow fat and lazy. Then they will appreciate this maple syrup the Great Spirit made available to them. Not only that, this sap will drip only from the trees at a certain time of the year. Then it will not keep people from hunting and fishing and gathering and hoeing in the fields. This is how it is going to be," Manabozho said. And, that is how it is to this day. (Caduto, 1997)

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

WHITE BIRCH ~ Betula papyrifera


Common names: Paper Birch, Canoe Birch Scientific name: Betula papyrifera ~ Betulaceae (Birch family) Algic name: Wigwasatig (Chippewa) Habitat: White birch commonly occupies the boreal landscape. A hardwood, white birch grows in pure stands or mixed in with other species adept to growing in aqueous earth. White birch thrives in the rich, moist soil along the borders of streams, lakes, ponds, and vernal pools. However, white birch also grows in diverse locations, ranging from floodplains to upland slopes; disliking shade, white birch often colonizes disturbed areas, and the presence of white birch signals a young forest (Forest Trees of Maine, 2008). Taxonomy: The white birch possesses a distinct and easily identified bark: the outer surface of the bark is white and marked by black streaks; the inner surface is orange. As saplings mature their bark lightens and becomes creamy white. Mature white birch trees reach upwards of 60-100 feet in height and 1-2 feet in diameter, often with many stems. The hardwood possesses alternate, ovate leaves ranging in size from 2 to 5 inches that are doubly toothed and a dull, dark green color. Almost always found in clusters of three, the catkins, the flower of the white birch, bloom in early spring before the leaves open (Forest Trees of Maine, 2008). A single white birch catkin may contain thousands of seeds; light and easily distributed by wind, the seeds travel many miles from their parents to colonize new habitat (Connor, 1994). Parts Used: Bark, sap. Uses: Edible, material, mild analgesic. Preparation and Application: The Algonquian peoples used white birch in a multitude of ways. From the tree came medicine, food, and material. So fundamental was it to life, the Ojibwa buried their deceased with a ceremonial piece of white birch bark. Revered and sacred, the Ojibwa placed an offering of tobacco in the earth at the trees roots whenever gathering the hardwood as a tribute to the Great Spirit (Moerman, 1998). Medicinally, white birch served as a mild analgesic, antidiarrheal, and adjuvant, an additive used to make medicine taste better. Many Algonquian peoples knew that the milky sap of the white birch contained medicine, now known as methyl salicylate, and they used the substance to treat numerous illnesses, i.e. the Ojibwa treated various wasting diseases with the milky substance with good effect. To obtain the medicine, the gatherer stripped away the bark of the tree and scraped the exposed trunk (Vogel, 1970). The resulting secretions were collected in birch bark containers. The Ojibwa also utilized the analgesic properties of the white birch by making a decoction of root bark; to this decoction they added maple syrup: the infused syrup treated stomach cramps. The Menomonee made a decoction of the inner bark to treat dysentery. The Cree made a poultice of the outer bark to apply to burns. They also, along with the Algonquin, made a powder by pulverizing rotted white birch wood to apply to their babys bottom to prevent 47

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

rashes. Similarly, by adding animal grease to the powder, the Cree procured an ointment to heal persistent rashes or sores. As an adjuvant, the Potawatomi made an infusion of twigs to season medicines; the Ojibwa used the roots of the plant for the same purpose (Moerman, 1998). The multifarious role of the white birch is most evident in its use as a material for construction and craft. White birch provided the Algonquians with an integral construction material: birch bark. The bark of the white birch sealed off their homes from wind and rain, canvassed the frames of their canoes, and made myriad utensils from cones and cups to pots for boiling water. Aesthetically, the Ojibwa utilized the inner most bark of the soft hardwood to create a red dye a dye made be gathering the inner pulp and boiling it until it turned red. In some areas, the dye maker added cedar ash to the concoction (Moerman, 1998). Children made transparencies by poking small holes through a single layer of birch bark, allowing light to shine through creating a shadow; dolls were also made from birch bark (Densmore, 1974). The Algonquian harvested white birch bark in the following way. A quality white birch, selected for size, the spacing of the eyes or lenticels of the inner trunk, and nonseparating layers within the bark, was felled. An extended thaw during the winter was the most opportune time to gather birch bark; at this time the bark did not easily separate into layers. Birch bark collected in the summer split more easily into layers and was considered inferior. Once felled, hot water was used to separate the bark from the inner cambium of the tree, and a long vertical cut was made across the area of bark to be collected. Using a knife or a wooden chisel, the bark on one side of the cut could be pulled back. It was not necessary to cut around the tree because the birch bark would split along the horizontal grain. By pouring hot water over the bark, a knife or stick could be used to peel back the bark. Once removed the bark was carefully rolled to avoid splitting or damaging the birch bark. When not for immediate use the birch bark was submerged in water or stored in a moist, dark location to keep it from drying out (Adney & Chappelle, 2007). As one of its most important roles, the Algonquians used the bark of the white birch to build canoes. Canoes, an essential form of mobility used to hunt, fish, travel, and make war, allowed the Algonquian peoples to move swiftly and efficiently across wide territories. Canoes were highly crafted and well engineered, and each tribe maintained distinct designs for the purpose a canoe was to serve. Canoes remain one of the few forms of primitive technology unaltered by the modern age. Although canoes were built of different barks, i.e. elm, chestnut, hickory, and spruce, the bark of the white birch was much preferred because large sheets were easily obtained, the bark was resinous and therefore did not shrink or expand the bark also held a degree of elasticity if green or kept wet and the bark could be sewn together. Canoe builders were able to sew the bark of the white birch together because its grain ran around the tree instead of vertically. To gain length, the root of the black spruce (Picea mariana; Pinaceae) was used to sew sheets of birch bark together. Most commonly, the ribs of the birch bark canoe were crafted from northern white cedar (Thuja occidentalis; Cupressaceae) because the wood split easily and resisted rot. Crosspieces and paddles were often crafted from the wood of the sugar maple (Acer saccharum; Sapindaceae) due to its strong core and its ability to be

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

split while green. To seal the canoe and make it watertight, a resin was applied to the canoes stitching along the seams; collected by scraping the gum accumulated on damaged trees, resin was made from black or white spruce sap which was heated until it became malleable. Birch bark canoes, crafted with primitive Stone Age tools and later steel tools acquired through trade, took much patience and skillful manipulation (Adney & Chappelle, 2007). Oral Tradition: The white birch played such an integral role in the lifestyle and livelihood of the Algonquian tribes that nearly all maintain legends of its origin. An Ojibwa myth follows, as recorded by Frances Densmore in How Indians Use Wild Plants for Food, Medicine & Crafts: There was once an old woman living all alone on the shore of Lake Superior. She had a little girl living with her whom she called her daughter, though she did not know exactly where the child came from. They were very poor and the little girl went into the woods and dug wild potatoes or gathered rose berries for them to eat. The little girl grew up to be a woman, but she kept on doing the same work, getting potatoes and berries and picking up fish that were washed ashore. One day when doing this she had a strange feeling as though the wind were blowing underneath her clothing. She looked around her but saw no signs of anyone. After a while she went home. As soon as she entered the house her mother saw that she looked troubled and bewildered. Her mother asked, Did you see anyone? Did anyone speak to you? The girl replied, I saw no one and heard no one speak to me. After a time the mother noticed that the girl was pregnant and questioned her again but the girl replied as before, that she had seen no one. The only thing strange to her was the sensation of the wind blowing about her which she had described to her mother. When the time came for her to be delivered there was a sound as of an explosion and the girl disappeared, leaving absolutely no trace. The old woman threw herself on the ground and wailed because her daughter had disappeared. She searched everywhere but could find no trace of her. Finally, in looking among the leaves, she saw a drop of blood on a leaf. She picked it up carefully and put it beside her pillow. After awhile, as she lay there, she thought she heard some one shivering and breathing near her head. She lay still, not knowing what to do. She heard the breathing near her head constantly. As she lay there wondering what it could be she heard a sound like that of a human being. She said, I guess I am going to be blessed. As she lay there a voice spoke and said, Grandmother, get up and build a fire. I am freezing. The old woman arose and looked around, and there beside her lay a little boy. She took him up and caressed him. She got up and made a fire to warm him, and behold the child was Winabojo. All the spirits that roam the earth were frightened at the birth of Winabojo, for they knew his power. Throughout his human life he was a mysterious being with miraculous powers. He grew rapidly in strength and soon began to help his grandmother. He dug potatoes and brought fish and berries for her. One day, when he had grown to be almost a man, he asked his grandmother what was the largest fish in the lake. She replied, Why do you ask? It is not good for you to know. There is a large fish that lives over by that ledge of rock, but it is very powerful and would do great harm to you. Winabojo asked, Could the great fish be killed? His

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

grandmother replied, No; for he lives below the rocks and no one could get down there to kill him. Winabojo began to think about this and he made up his mind that he would learn to fight so that he could kill the great fish. He got some wood and began to make bows and arrows. Then he asked his grandmother if she knew of any bird whose feathers he could put on the arrows to make them effective. The old woman replied, No. The Only bird whose feathers would make the arrows effective is a bird that lives in the sky, at the opening of the clouds. One would have to go up there to get the feathers. Winabojo began to think how he could go up there and get the feathers that he was determined to have. At last he said to himself, There is a high cliff on the edge of the lake. I will go up there and stay awhile. When he reached the high cliff he wished that he might change into a little rabbit. So he became a little rabbit and lived there. One day he went on a very high part of the cliff and called to a big bird, saying, Eagle, come here. I am a cunning little animal. I would be a nice plaything for your children. The bird flew down and saw the little rabbit playing there. The rabbit was the cunningest thing he had ever seen. The big bird was the thunderbird and he alighted on the top of the high cliff, near the little rabbit. Finally he took the little rabbit and flew up, up toward the opening in the sky. When the thunderbird came to his nest he called to his children, I have brought you something very cunning to play with. His wife spoke to him very crossly and said, Why did you bring that rabbit up here? Have you not heard that Winabojo is on earth? There is no knowing what you have picked up. But the little rabbit was very meek and quiet, letting the children play with him as they liked. The big birds were seldom at home and they went away to get food for their children. All at once, one day, Winabojo began to talk to himself and he said, These children throw me around as though I was nothing. Dont they know I came here to get some of their feathers? The next time the old birds went away he changed into his human form, took a club, killed the little thunderbirds and pulled off their feathers. He hurried around and tied the feathers up in bundles for he was sure the old birds would soon be home. When all was ready he jumped off. He was not killed because he was manido (spirit) and nothing could hurt him. He was unconscious for a time after he fell on earth but he was not hurt. Soon there was a great roaring in the sky with flashes of lightening. The thunderbirds were coming after him. Winabojo jumped up when he saw the flashes of lightening and heard the thunder. The lightening was the flash of the thunderbirds eyes and the roaring was their terrible voices. He snatched up the bundles of feathers and ran for his life. Wherever he went the flashes and the roaring followed him, but he held on to the feathers. He had gotten what he wanted and he did not intend to lose them. The thunderbirds kept after him and at last he felt that they were tiring him out. He began to fear that he would be killed after all. The thunderbirds came so close that they almost grasped him with their claws. He was getting bewildered. They were almost upon him when he saw an old, fallen birch tree that was hollow. He crept into the hollow just in time to save his life. As he got in the thunderbirds almost had their claws on him.

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The thunderbirds said, Winabojo, you have chosen the right protection. You have fled to a king-child. There they stopped. They could not touch him for the birch tree was their own child and he had fled into it for protection. There he lay while the thunder rolled away and the flashes of the thunderbirds eyes grew less bright. He was safe. When the thunderbirds had gone away Winabojo came out of the hollow birch tree and said, As long as the world stands this tree will be a protection and benefit to the human race. If they want to preserve anything they must wrap it in birch bark and it will not decay. The bark of this tree will be useful in many ways, and when people want to take the bark from the tree they must offer tobacco to express their gratitude. So Winabojo blessed the birch tree to the good of the human race. Then he went home, fixed his arrows with the feathers of the little thunderbirds and killed the great fish. Because of all this a birch tree is never struck by lightening and people can safely stand under its branches during a storm. The bark is the last part of the tree to decay, keeping its form after the wood has disintegrated, as it did in the tree that sheltered Winabojo. The little short marks on birch bark were made by Winaboko but the pictures on the bark are pictures of little thunderbirds. It was said that the bark in some localities contains more distinct pictures of the little thunderbirds than in others. (Densmore, 1974)

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WILD RICE ~ Zizania palustris


Common names: Indian Rice, Water Oats Scientific name: Zizania palustris ~ Poaceae (Grass family) Algic names: Manomin (Ojibwa); Manoma (Menominee) Habitat: Native to the Great Lakes, wild rice commonly inhabits lakes, ponds, rivers, and streams with muddy, alluvial beds east of the Rocky Mountains. Although wild rice grows in brackish water, the plant prefers shallow, slow-moving freshwater no deeper than 10 feet. The aquatic plant grows throughout eastern North America, mainly occupying the boreal landscape, but reaching as far south as the Gulf coast. Its seed is a common source of food for ducks, mud hens, and other waterfowl (Jenks, 1901). Taxonomy: An annual grass, the plant produces a single stem that, on average, reaches a height of 5 to 6 feet, but that may grow to more than 16 feet under extraordinary conditions. Beneath the water, the roots anchor a thick, spongy stem. Above the water, long, broad leaves extend upward, parting to expose the flowering head of the plant. Pale yellow-green flowers die away to reveal husks, about one inch long, protecting slender, cylindrical grains that ripen in August or September, turning dark slate (Jenks, 1901). Parts Used: Seed. Uses: Edible. Preparation and Application: Wild rice, a sacred and integral piece of many Algonquian peoples religion, culture, and livelihood, translates as good berry in the various languages of the Algonquian tribes who relied on the grain as dietary staple (Norrgard, 2008). Although available as a source of food for the eastern Algonquian tribes, these peoples depended much less on wild rice than their western brethren who occupied the area near the Great Lakes. The Ottawa, Cree, Sauk, Fox, Menominee, Kickapoo, Maskotin, Ojibwa, and Potawatomi relied heavily on harvesting wild rice, a key source of nourishment, to sustain their populations and breed strong, well-formed individuals (Jenks, 1901). Wild rice was a centerpiece of nutrition and sustenance for the Great Lakes peoples. For this reason wild rice was also the source of much violence between the Siouan tribes such as the Winnebago and Sioux (Dakota) and the Algonquian tribes. Each harvest, the Algonquian would push the limit of their territories, collecting wild rice in lakes and streams close to enemy villages. Often harvesters would lose a soul to surprise attacks; however, they continued to return each year (Jenks, 1901). Eventually, the Algonquian tribes pushed the Winnebago and Sioux south and west, toward the plains of Iowa and the Dakotas with the help of modern weapons such as guns and steel, acquired through trade with Europeans. The warring tribes fight to control wild riceproducing lakes was crucial to their survival and violence between Algonquian tribes was not uncommon (Vennum, 1988).

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In the autumn before the wild rice harvest began, a feast, held to ask the Great Spirit for blessings of good weather and safety during the upcoming harvest, celebrated the good-fortune and identity of the wild rice gathering tribes. For example, the Ojibwa trace their ancestral home back to the Atlantic Ocean, where they lived along the St. Lawrence River; however, long ago they received an admonition to travel eastward until they reached the land where food grows on water. Their seminal feast celebrates the tribes historic accomplishments and reinforces the continuing importance of the tradition of wild rice to their people (Norrgard, 2008). Once the celebration ends, the wild rice harvest begins. Traditionally, wild rice was gathered by birch bark canoe. A week or two before the harvest began the women paddled out to the rice fields and marked their respective familys section off with stakes. Within their familys portion of the rice field, they tied the flowering heads of the grass into bundles. Later when harvesting, a man pushed the canoe through the rice field using a pole with a forked end while standing in the bow. A woman sat in the stern of the canoe and gathered the wild rice. There were two methods of gathering the wild rice. The first method involved the women cutting the previously tied bundles at the base of the flowering head, successfully harvesting the entire plant; the second method involved the women using knockers, sticks about half a yard long weighing no more than a pound, to collect the kernels of wild rice. Using the knockers, the women pulled the stalk of the plant over the gunwale of the canoe and struck the flowering head with enough force to knock the ripe kernels into the bottom of the boat while leaving the unripe kernels to mature. By utilizing this second method, the women could return to the same section of the rice field multiple times at week intervals to continue to collect the wild rice as it matured. The Native Americans never intended to harvest all of the wild rice, a significant portion of the wild rice was left to seed the next years crop. By managing their gathering to conserve the annual grass, they ensured the bountiful harvests for generations to come (Densmore, 1974). A canoe full of wild rice was considered a days work. At the end of the day, a loaded canoe was taken back to camp and emptied onto birch bark sheets and placed in the sun to dry. In small camps, processing the wild rice occurred after the days harvest, but in larger camps the women who did not go out gathering began processing the wild rice by parching, winnowing, pounding, and treading the wild rice into its final form while the others were out gathering. Wild rice that was not parched took longer to cook, but lasted indefinitely and could be used as seed to sow new fields of rice. Both the parched and not parched supplies were stored in baskets woven from the inner bark of a cedar or basswood (Tilia americana) tree. The wild rice harvested in the autumn provided provisions for many months to come (Densmore, 1974). The staple was cooked alone and seasoned with maple syrup or prepared with meat. The Ojibwa used the grains to make duck and fowl stuffing and to bake bread cakes. It was often cooked in deer broth and in soups. For breakfast, the seeds were steamed and eaten with maple sugar. Wild-rice producing tribes also obtained a profitable trading commodity by gathering the grain (Moerman, 1998). As a medicine, wild rice promoted swift recovery from illness and an invigorating porridge was given to the sick (Norrgard, 2008).

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Oral Tradition: The Algonquian tribes occupying territories rich in wild rice lauded the nourishing grain as a sacred gift given to the people to ensure their success. Many legends elucidating the origins of wild rice existed. Often in these myths, the archetypal trickster, hero, and god/spirit, Wenibojo', alternatively known as Manabozho, would discover wild rice by accident. The following myths tell the story of how Wenibojo' came to know wild rice, the knowledge of which he passed on to his peoples. One evening Wenibojo' returned from hunting, but he had no game.... As he came towards his fire, there was a duck sitting on the edge of his kettle of boiling water. After the duck flew away, Wenibojo' looked into the kettle and found wild rice floating upon the water, but he did not know what it was. He ate his supper from the kettle, and it was the best soup he had ever tasted. Later, he followed in the direction the duck had taken, and came to a lake full of manomin. He saw all kinds of ducks and geese and mud hens, and all the other water birds eating the grain. After that, when Wenibojo' did not kill a deer, he knew where to find food to eat.... (Jenks, 1901) Another common myth foretelling Wenibojo's discovery of wild rice coincides with the liminal puberty fast young men undertake when beginning manhood. In this story, Wenibojo's grandmother, Noko'mis, sends him out to fast to attain a tutelary vision. One day the old woman told him that he ought to prove himself a manly fellow: he ought to take a long journey through unknown forests; he ought to go without food and get accustomed to the hardships of life. So Wenibojo' told her that he was going away, that he was going to fast; and taking his bow and arrows he wandered out into the forest. Many days he wandered, and finally came to a beautiful lake full of wild rice, the first ever seen. But he did not know that the grain was good to eat; he liked it for its beauty. He went into the forest and got the bark from a large pine tree. From this bark he made a canoe with which to gather the grain. After the canoe was made, he went to Noko'mis, and they both came and gathered the rice, and sowed it in another lake. He then left Noko'mis by this lake of sowed wild rice, and, taking his bow and arrows, started away again into the forest. As he wandered along some little bushes spoke to him and said: "Sometimes they eat us." Wenibojo' at first paid no attention to the address, but finally he said: "Who are you talking to?" On being told that he was the one addressed, he stooped down and dug up the plant. He found a long root, as long as an arrow. It tasted very good to him, so he dug and ate a great many of the roots. He ate so many that he became sick, and lay there three days too ill to move. When finally he got up, he wandered on. He became very faint and hungry; other plants spoke to him, but he was afraid to eat them. At last he was passing along the river, and saw little bunches of straw growing up in the water. They spoke to him and said: "Wenibojo', sometimes they eat us." So he picked some of it and ate it, and said: "Oh, but you are good! What do they call you?" "They call us mano'min [wild rice]," the grass answered. Wenibojo' waded out into the water up to his breast and beat off the grain, and ate and ate, but this time he was not sick. Finally he remembered the wild rice which he and old Noko'mis had sown, so he returned home to his manomin lake. (Jenks, 1901) Personal Experience: Paddling across the lakes of northern Wisconsin and the upper peninsula of Michigan, I first came across wild rice. The majestic lakes shimmered with the warmth of the sun and the cooling breeze that swept across the lakes rippled through 55

Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

the dense, sprawling expanses of wild rice in waves. Wild rice often grows in the shallow streams linking the lakes. The entrances to these shallow streams are a favorite recluse for many species of fish: the fast-moving water cools them and the aquatic foliage provides a place to hide and lurk.

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YARROW ~ Achillea millefolium


Common names: Milfoil, Soldiers Woundwort, Nosebleed Scientific name: Achillea millefolium ~ Asteraceae (Aster family) Algic names: Wabe'no-wusk (Ojibwa); Adjidamowano (Chippewa) Habitat: A hardy, herbaceous perennial, yarrow thrives in open meadows and pastures, along roadways, disturbed areas, and waste places. A native of Europe, settlers introduced the herb to North America for its medicinal value. Yarrow ubiquitously inhabits the temperate and boreal reaches of the Northern Hemispheres. The genus to which yarrow belongs begets its name from the legendary hero Achilles, who reportedly discovered the plants medicinal value (Hutchens, 1991). Naturalized to North America long ago, yarrow commonly occupied the Algic landscape. Taxonomy: Yarrows rough, angular stem grows to an average height of 3 feet. Wooly hairs cover the entire plant, giving the plant a grey-green appearance. The 1 to 6 inch long lance-shaped, feather-like leaves grow up the stem alternately, and look similar to the leaves of a fern (Chandler, 1982). Flowering from June to September, yarrow possesses large terminal inflorescences that consist of many small white, daisy-like flowers growing in flat-topped clusters. A faint, peculiar aroma permeates from yarrow, a plant which tastes sharp and bitter (Hutchens, 1991). Parts Used: The entire herb, especially the leaves and flowers. Uses: Analgesic, astringent, diaphoretic, stimulant, tonic. Preparation and Application: Yarrow has a long history of human use, most commonly as an astringent to stop bleeding, dating back to before 5,000 BCE and the advent of bronze weapons. The whole herb would be decocted and drunk as a useful tonic to remedy general indisposition and indigestion. Yarrow contains powerful medicinal properties and should be regarded as highly potent; the herb is highly effective in small amounts (Drum, 2005). Adding 1 teaspoon of fresh yarrow leaves to 1 cup boiling water provided an infusion that was regularly applied externally or drunk 3 to 4 times daily until the ailment passed (Hutchens, 1991). Among the Ojibwa tribes, herbalists, knowledgeable practitioners of the mysterious medicinal properties of sundry plants, were called Mashki-kike-winini or medicine men (Vogel, 1970). The medicine men were charged with keeping up the spiritual, mental, and physical vitality of the tribe and formed their society of medicine, the Medaewaewin. To this end, the Ojibwa used yarrow ceremonially and medicinally. The plants florets were used medicinally as a febrifuge. Applied as a fumigant, the smoldering inflorescence would be inhaled to break fever. In addition to medicinal use, the medicine men smoked the potent blossoms of the plant ceremonially. Similarly, the Potawatomi used yarrow as a fumigant. The smoke of the valued herb warded off evil spirits and reawakened the unconscious (Vogel, 1970).

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The Algonquian peoples highly regarded yarrow not only for its ritual use but also for its physical effects. The Malecite extracted the liquid from the fresh leaves and flower heads of the herb and treated bruises and sprains with the soothing oil (Moerman, 1998). Utilizing similar analgesic properties of the herb, the Algonquin crushed dried yarrow leaves and insufflated the snuff to relieve headaches. Additionally, yarrows anti septic and analgesic properties made the herb an excellent dressing for open wounds and exposed sores, such as toothaches (Drum, 2005). Infusions of yarrow were widespread. Bathing in an infusion of yarrow leaves was commonly employed as a minor analgesic to relieve aches and pains and heal external sores by numerous Algonquian peoples (Vogel, 1970). The Blackfoot applied the infusion externally to alleviate gastrointestinal pain, rheumatism, liver problems, labor pains, urinary problems, and sore throats; the infusion was even administered as eyewash for horses. The Menominee prescribed an infusion of the herb to cure fevers while the Cree applied an infusion of yarrow as a compress on the forehead of those afflicted by fever or severe headaches. The Abnaki, Algonquin, and Cheyenne administered an infusion of the entire plant as a cold remedy, especially for children (Moerman, 1998). In the spring, young, fresh yarrow leaves may be added to dishes as a bitter spice (Drum, 2005). Personal Experience: Always harvest herbs when they are in bloom. An infusion made of only the blossoms tastes much better; however, the leaves are much more potent but will lend a bitter taste to the infusion when drunk. If unpalatable, simply add honey to remedy its bitter tang. To avoid some of the bitterness when making a tea of the dried leaves, do not bring the water to a full boil, or let the water sit for a moment before steeping the leaves.

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YELLOW BLUEBEAD LILY ~ Clintonia borealis


Common names: Bluebead Lily, Yellow Clintonia Scientific names: Clintonia borealis ~ Liliaceae (Lily family) Algic names: Kockanda'-mnokwi (Potawatomi); Gnose'wbg or Adota'gons (Ojibwa) Habitat: Found throughout the forests of eastern North America, the bluebead lily commonly inhabits the Algic landscape, often forming large colonies. The plant enjoys cool, moist atmospheres, and thrives in shaded areas (Angevine & Handel, 1986). Although preferring the boreal forests of the north, the bluebead lily inhabits mixed-wood stands, temperate maple forests, and southerly coniferous woods (Foster & Duke, 2000). Taxonomy: A perennial, the bluebead lily may reach a height of 1 foot at maturity, but often remains smaller. The leaves form at the base of the plant in clusters of 2 to 4 and are leathery, lustrous, and not toothed (Foster & Duke, 2000). The bluebead lily blossoms from May to July: a single, leafless stalk extends from the base of the plant to support yellow, bell-shaped flowers. The inedible berries ripen in the middle of July and retain their perfect blue color until the end of August. The plant regenerates by disseminating seeds and by sending out rhizomes (Angevine & Handel, 1986). Parts Used: Roots, leaves. Affects: Sedative, anti-inflammatory. Preparation and Use: The Algonquin living in Quebec used the bluebead lily as a disinfectant and anti-inflammatory by applying a poultice of leaves to infections (Black, 1980). Their Algonquin brethren to the west crushed the leaves of the plant and rubbed the residue onto their hands and faces to protect themselves from mosquitoes (Moerman, 1998). The Chippewa utilized the pain ameliorating properties of the plant as well as the anti-inflammatory effects by applying a poultice of fresh leaves to burns. The Chippewa also made an infusion of the leaves and applied the wash externally to swollen or infected sores. Furthermore, Chippewa children bit patterns into the smooth, shiny leaves for entertainment; the young shoots of the plant were also eaten in early spring (Densmore, 1974). The Ojibwa used the root to mitigate the pain of childbirth (Smith, 1932). Similarly, the sound of the Potawatomi word for the wildflower indicates that they used the plant to aid birthing; however, there is no definitive knowledge of this and the plant is vaguely described as possessing the capacity to heal various ailments (Smith, 1933). Besides its use as an anti-inflammatory and sedative, the Great Lakes peoples such as the Ojibwa, Menominee, and Meskwaki held a superstitious belief about the plant. The peoples believed that dogs ate the roots of the plant to poison their teeth before attacking their prey. If a dog with poisoned teeth bit an individual, it was understood that the best cure for the bite was to apply a poultice of the plants root on the open wound to draw out the poison (Moerman, 1998).

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LITERATURE CITED Adney, Edwin Tappan and Howard I. Chappelle. 2007. Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America. New York: Skyhorse Publishing Inc. Angevine, Mark A. and Steven N. Handel. 1986. Invasion of Forest Floor Space, Clonal Architecture, and Population Growth in the Perennial Herb Clintonia Borealis. Journal of Ecology, Vol. 74, No. 2 (Jun., 1986), pp. 547-560. Web. Apr. 1 2011. Armstrong, W.P. The Deadly Datura. Waynes Word. Vol. 7, 1998. Web. 11 Jan. 2011. Ballick, Michael J. and Paul Alan Cox. 1996. Plants, People, and Culture: The Science of Ethnobotany. New York: W.H. Freeman and Company. Baskin, Esther. 1967. The Poppy and Other Deadly Plants. New York: Delacorte Press. Benn, M.H. and Lois Jean Yelland. 1968. Ranunculin. Canadian Journal of Chemistry, 46, 729. Web. 1 Dec. 2010. Benoliel, Doug. 1974. Northwest Foraging. Signpost Publications. Black, Meredith Jean. 1980. Algonquin Ethnobotany: An Interpretation of Aboriginal Adaptation in South Western Quebec. Ottawa: National Museum of Canada. Caduto, Michael J., and Joseph Bruchac. 1997. Keepers of the Earth: Native American Stories and Environmental Activities for Children. Fulcrum Publishing. Chandler, R. F., S. N. Hooper and M. J. Harvey. 1982. Ethnobotany and Phytochemistry of Yarrow, Achillea millefolium, Compositae. Economic Botany Vol. 36, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1982), pp. 203-223. New York Botanical Garden Press. Web. 27 Nov. 2010. Davis, Wade. 1985. The Serpent and the Rainbow. New York: Simon and Schuster. Densmore, Frances. 1974. How Indians Use Wild Plants for Food, Medicine, and Crafts. New York: Dover Publications, Inc. Drum, Ryan. 2005. Yarrow, Queen Annes Lace, and Indian Pipe. Island Herbs. Web. 27 Nov. 2010. Foster, Steven and James A. Duke. 2000. A Field Guide to Medicinal Plants and Herbs of Eastern and Central North America. 2nd Ed., New York: Houghton Mifflin Company.

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Gibbons, Euell. 1966. Stalking the Healthful Herbs. Brattleboro, VT: Alan C. Hood and Company, Inc. Godman, Richard M., Harry W. Yawney, and Carl H. Tubbs. 2004. Acer saccharum Marsh.. United States Department of Agriculture Forest Service. Web. 1 Apr. 2011. Hill, R., and Ruth van Heyningen. 1953. Ranunculin: The Precursor of the Vesicant Substance of the Buttercup. Report to Ministry of Supply, vol. 49 (1953). Web. 1 Dec. 2010. Hutchens, Alma R. 1991. Indian Herbalogy of North America. Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications Inc. Jenks, Albert Ernest. 1901. The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes: A Study in American Primitive Economics. Pages 1013-1137, Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897-1898. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., USA. Leake, Jonathon R. 1994. Tansley Review No. 69. The Biology of Myco-Heterotrophic ('Saprophytic') Plants. New Phytologist, Vol. 127, No. 2 (Jun., 1994), pp. 171-216. 1 Apr. 2011. Web. Leland, Charles G. 1992. Algonquin Legends. Toronto: General Publishing Company, Ltd. Pojar, Jim and Andy MacKinnon. 1994. Plants of Coastal British Columbia. Vancouver, BC: Lone Pine Publishing. Prance, Ghillean T.. 2007. Ethnobotany, the science of survival: a declaration from Kauai. Economic Botany, 61 (1): 1-2. The New York Botanical Garden. Prins, Harald E. L. and B. McBride. 2007. Asticou's Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island 15002000. Northeast Region Ethnography Program Boston: National Park Service. Miller, Orson K. and Hope H. Miller. 2006. North American Mushrooms A Field Guide to Edible and Inedible Mushrooms. Guilford, CT: The Globe Pequot Press. Mittelhauser, Glen H., Linda L. Gregory, Sally C. Rooney, and Jill E. Weber. 2010. The Plants of Acadia National Park. Orono, ME: University of Maine at Orono Press. Moerman, Daniel, E. 1998. Native American Ethnobotany. Portland, OR: Timber Press, Inc. Needham, William. 2011. The Hikers Notebook. Sierra Club. Web. 10 Oct. 2010.

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Newcomb, Lawrence. 1977. Newcombs Wildflower Guide. New York. Little, Brown and Company. Northwestern Ontario Forest: Common Herb Species. 2000. Lakehead University Faculty of Natural Resources Management. Web. 1 Jan. 2011. Norrgard, Ray. 2008. Natural Wild Rice in Minnesota. Minnesota Department of Natural Resources. 1 Apr. 2011. Web. Riley, Herbert Parkes. 1955. Cypripedium acaule. Torrey Botanical Society. Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, Vol. 82, No. 3 (May - Jun., 1955), pp. 241-243. 1 Apr. 2011. Web. Safford, William E.. 1920. Daturas of the Old World and New: An Account of Their Narcotic Properties and Their Use in Oracular and Initiatory Ceremonies. The Smithsonian Institution. Washington: Government Printing Office. Web. 1 Feb. 2011. Schultes, R.E., Albert Hoffman, and Christian Ratsch. 1998. Plants of the Gods: Their Sacred Healing, and Hallucinogenic Powers. Rochester, VT: Healing Arts Press. Schultes, Richard E. and Siri von Reis. 1995. Ethnobotany: The Evolution of a Discipline. London: Chapman and Hall. Simpson, Beryl Brintnall., and Molly Conner-Ogorzaly. 2001. Economic Botany: Plants In Our World. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Smith, Huron. H. 1923. Ethnobotany of the Menomini Indians. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 1-174, plates 1-36 December 10, 1923. 1 Apr. 2011. Web. Smith, Huron H. 1928. Ethnobotany of the Meskwaki Indians. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee VoL 4, No. 2, Pp. 175-326, Plates 3746 April 7th, 1928. 1 Apr. 2011. Web. Smith, Huron. H. 1932. Ethnobotany of the Ojibwe Indians. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee Vol. 4, No. 3, Pp. 327-525, Plates 4677. 1 Apr. 2011. Web. Smith, Huron. H. 1933. Ethnobotany of the Forest Potawatomi Indians. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee Vol. 7, No. 1, Pp. 1-230, Frontis., Plates 1-38. 1 Apr. 2011. Web.

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Speck, Frank. 1917. Medicine Practices of the Northeastern Algonquians. Washington D.C.: Extract from proceedings of the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists, Washington, December, 1915. 1 Apr. 2011. Web. Spinella, Marcello. 2001. The Psychopharmacology of Herbal Medicine. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Turner, Nancy J. & Helen Clifton. 2009. Its so different today: Climate change and indigenous lifeways in British Colombia, Canada. Global Environmental Change, 19 (2009) 180-190, Elsevier Ltd. Vennum, Thomas. 1988. Wild Rice and The Ojibway People. Minnesota Historical Society Press. Vogel, Virgil J.. 1970. American Indian Medicine. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

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GLOSSARY Abortifacient ~ Causing abortion. Acetylcholine ~ A chemical substance secreted at the ends of many nerve fibers, especially in the autonomic nervous system, and responsible for the transmission of nervous impulses. Adjuvant ~ Anything that aids in removing or preventing a disease, especially a substance added to a prescription to aid the effect of the main ingredient. Algic ~ An indigenous language family of North America. Alterative ~ A medicinal substance that gradually restores health. Alternate leaves ~ Leaf arrangement bearing one leaf or other structure per node. Analgesic ~ A remedy that relieves or allays pain. Anodyne ~ Relieves pain. Anti-cholinergic ~ A drug or agent that blocks these nerve impulses, used to control intestinal spasm, increase the heart rate, dilate the pupils for examination of the eyes, dry secretions in anesthesia, and in some forms to treat Alzheimer's disease. Anti-inflammatory ~ Reducing or neutralizing inflammation. Anti-periodic ~ Arrests morbid periodic movements. Anti-septic ~ Preventing sepsis, decay, putrefaction; also, an agent that kills germs, microbes. Anti-spasmodic ~ Relieves or prevents spasms. Anti-rheumatic ~ An agent that relieves or prevents rheumatism. Annual ~ A plant living for a year or less. Aromatic ~ A stimulant, spicy. Astringent ~ An agent that causes tissues to contract. Atropine ~ A poisonous crystalline alkaloid obtained from belladonna and other plants of the nightshade family that prevents the response of various body structures to certain types of nerve stimulation: used chiefly to relieve spasms, to lessen secretions, and topically, to dilate the pupil of the eye. Basal ~ Leaves radiating directly from the crown of the root. Biennial ~ A plant living or lasting for two years. Boreal ~ Relating to or characteristic of the climatic zone south of the Arctic, especially the cold temperate region dominated by forests of birch, poplar, and conifers. Catkin ~ An inflorescence consisting of a spike, usually hanging, of much reduced flowers of either sex: occurs in birch, hazel, etc. Chenoo (Kewahqu) ~ Giant cannibal monsters. Colic ~ Severe, often fluctuating pain in the abdomen caused by intestinal gas or obstruction in the intestines suffered primarily by babies. Compound leaf ~ A leaf consisting of two or more leaflets borne on the same leafstalk. Floret ~ A small flower. Decoction ~ A preparation made by boiling a plant part in water. Diaphoretic ~ An agent that induces sweating. Diuretic ~ An agent that induces urination. Emollient ~ An agent that softens and soothes the skin when applied locally. Entheogen ~ A psychoactive substance, typically of plant origin, ingested to produce a non-ordinary state of consciousness for religious or spiritual purposes.

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Epiparasite ~ A parasite that feeds on another parasite. Estrogenic ~ A substance that induces female hormonal activity. Expectorant ~ Facilitates expectoration. Febrifuge ~ Abates and reduces fevers. Fumigant ~ A chemical compound used in its gaseous state as a disinfectant. Hallucinogen ~ A drug that causes hallucinations. Heartwood ~ The portion of the secondary xylem of trees that is no longer conducting water and nutrients. Herbaceous ~ Non-woody. Hyoscyamine ~ A poisonous alkaloid occurring in henbane and related plants: an optically active isomer of atropine, used in medicine in a similar way. Ibotenic acid ~ An insecticidal agent in the mushroom Amanita muscaria Inflorescence ~ A cluster of flowers borne on a flowering stalk. Infusion ~ A preparation made by soaking a plant part in hot water (or cold water, for a cold infusion); in essence, a tea. Laxative ~ Promotes bowel action. Leaflets ~ Each of the leaflike structures that make up a compound leaf. Lenticel ~ Any of numerous pores in the stem of a woody plant allowing exchange of gases between the plant and the exterior. Manido ~ mystery, essence, substance, matter, supernatural spirit, anima, quiddity, attribute, property, God, deity, godlike, mystical, incorporeal, transcendental, invisible reality. Medaewaewin ~ The sound resonance; refers to a society of medicine men and women formed to preserve and advance the knowledge of plants and healing and to establish the relationship between health and upright living. Muscimol ~ A psychoactive alkaloid present in many mushrooms of the Amanita genus. Mycorrhizae ~ Non-parasitic fungi that form symbiotic associations with the roots of many kinds of plants in which the fungi facilitates the uptake of nutrients and the plant provides food in the form of carbohydrates for the fungi. Native ~ A plant of indigenous origin or growth. Narcotic ~ A drug that relieves pain and induces drowsiness, stupor, or insensibility. Nervine ~ An agent that affect, strengthens, or calms the nerves. Oleoresins ~ A natural or artificial mixture of essential oils and a resin. Opposite leaves ~ Leaf arrangement where there are two leaves at each node, on opposite sides of the axis. Panacea ~ A remedy for all difficulties or diseases. Parturition ~ Childbirth. Perennial ~ A plant that lives for several years. Petiole ~ The stalk that joins the leaf to the stem; leafstalk. Pneumonia ~ Lung inflammation caused by bacterial or viral infection. Poultice ~ A soft, moist mass of material, typically of a plant, applied to the body to relieve soreness and inflammation. Resin ~ In plants, naturally occurring polymerized terpenes that are synthesized in, or secreted into, specialized ducts. Rheumatism ~ Any disease marked by inflammation and pain in the joints, muscles, or fibrous tissue.

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Algonquian Ethnobotany: Medicinal, Edible, & Spiritual Native Plant Use

Rhizome ~ A creeping underground stem. Saprophytic ~ A plant (usually lacking chlorophyll) that lives on dead organic matter. Scopolamine ~ A colorless viscous liquid alkaloid extracted from certain plants, such as henbane: used in preventing travel sickness and as an anticholinergic, sedative, and truth serum. Sedative ~ A nerve tonic, promotes sleep. Serotonin ~ A compound that occurs in the brain, intestines, and blood platelets and acts as a neurotransmitter, as well as inducing vasoconstriction and contraction of smooth muscle. Smallpox ~ An acute contagious viral disease. Stimulant ~ An agent that causes increased activity of another agent, cell tissue, organ, or organism. Sudatory ~ An agent that causes increased sweating. Tonic ~ An ambiguous term referring to a substance thought to have an overall positive medicinal effect of an unspecified nature. Terminal ~ Borne at the end of a stem or branch. Tropane alkaloid ~ A two-ringed nitrogen-containing compound derived from proline, an amino acid common in proteins. Tuberculosis ~ An infectious bacterial disease characterized by the growth of nodules in the tissue, especially the lungs. Wenebojo ~ A mythic figure of Algonquian culture; the all-man, all-woman archetypal human being, variously considered trickster and Manitou. Wigwam ~ A dome-shaped hut or tent made by fastening mats, skins, or bark over a framework of poles.

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