NIGERIA GOVERNMENT POLICY ON QUOTA SYSTEM INTRODUCTION BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY The Federal Character principle which gave

rise to quota system in Nigeria was established to solve the problems of inequality and marginalization as expressed by certain parts of Nigeria. Among other reasons for introducing the quota system were because of differences in the socio-economic development of different parts of Nigeria. Secondly there were disparities in the levels of educational developments in different parts of the country. Some sections of the country (North) were alleged to be educationally disadvantaged, while some regions (South) of the country were acclaimed to be educationally advantaged. Akuta (2009). Related to federal character is the quota system that throws expertise to the winds and instead promotes mediocrity in the main. The quota system determines who gets what employment in the federal civil service. It determines who gets admission into any federal school from secondary to tertiary level. For example, under the quota system, if a position has been reserved for a particular zone or state of the country, rather than take a capable hand from another state or zone to fill the position, it serves that country better to leave it vacant or fill the post with a mediocre from that very zone or state. The quota system and federal character have contributed to the high unemployment rate in the country. It is a
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known fact that unemployment is worst in the southern states than in the northern states. Besides, the two monsters of federal character and quota system keep reminding Nigerians that theyre not one people. They are responsible for much of the looting at the federal level as each state or zone of the country is out to corner more juicy positions to themselves. Furthermore, the PDP has used the quota system to determine which zone produces the president at any time. What that means is that somebody must have to be imposed on the country from the designated zone whether or not he is qualified.How could the country get liberated from the shackles of poverty, ignorance, disease and underdevelopment when the system has put wedge against itself? The only way out is for the system to dismantle these strictures that are drawing the country backward. Failure to do that would not only stall development but could help the forces that are out to tear the country apart. That is not what right thinking and patriotic Nigerians want. The country must rejuvenate itself to remain afloat. Ayoade (2000) The federal character principle was adopted during the 1977 Constitutional Drafting Committee. It became part of 1979 constitution of Nigeria. From this point in our nations history, the questions of merit or competitiveness among Nigerians were set aside in place of quota system. This system has hindered development and it defiles all logic. How can a nation make progress when their best cannot occupy their due positions because
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we are practising quota? We cannot move forward as a nation by putting round pegs in square holes. From the time of incorporating the quota system into the Nigerian law books till date, the federal government has used it as a policy instrument in recruiting people to all federal government establishments like the armed forces, police, ministries, federal government owned universities etc. Because its in our statute book, the various state governments and all local governments use the quota system in their various appointments etc. Merit, experience and hard work do not matter if quota system is in use especially when it comes to appointments. Its contrary to what Max Weber (1864-1920) said, that employees should be hired and promoted based on merit and expertise. We choose mediocre in place of merit. The use of quota system has brought about intense lobbying each time there is vacancy to be filled. Quota system laid down the quest for the scramble and looting of our nations resources. People, groups, politicians, contractors etc lobby for positions all because quota system has replaced merit. When people, politicians, regions or states do not get positions they start shouting of marginalization. When they succeed, they loot because they feel its their turn. Patriotism and national interest do no longer exits in Nigeria due to this policy. Quota system encourages tribalism and division. This twin evil makes peace and love to be difficult in a country like Nigeria.

In Nigerian federal civil parlance, appointment is often synonymous with recruitment (Al-Gazali, 2006). Recruitment in the Nigerian federal civil service is determined by three major factors (Babaru, 2003). The first is the availability of vacancies declared by the ministries and extraministerial departments and forwarded to the commission through the office of the head of civil service of the federation. Awareness for such vacancies are publicized through advertisements and notices. The second factor is the qualifications of the potential applicants. The specific quailfications and skills required for various categories are presented in schemes of service (2000). The third factor is the principle of federal character. That is quota allocated in the recruitment exercise to states to ensure that the federal civil service reflects Federal Character. Federal character principle is a constitutional matter and an important factor that determine appointments into the federal civil service. This issue is expressed in section 14(3) of the constitution as The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the Federal Character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to comm.- and national loyalty thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from few States or from few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or any of its agencies.

The basic idea of the principle is to have an even representation of all states, ethnic and other sectional groups in the federal service. It has a lot of political support, especially from those in the disadvantaged areas- mainly the northern states of Nigeria (Olowu et al., 1997). In order to implement this concept effectively, a commission called the Federal Character Commission was created in 1995. However, promotion in the federal civil service is determined by factors such as number of years in a grade level, performance in promotion examination and interviews (FRN, 1998), and availability of vacancies or jobs at a higher level. STATEMENT OF THE STUDY The culture of dependency in the north has given way to that of over-dependency, laughable expectancy and blatant parasitism. Worse still, the advent of religious fanaticism, and bigotry, sexism, ethnocentrism, as well as an entrenched xenophobic disposition make it unlikely for the north to ever emerge from its quandary and squalor. It would seem to any right-thinking individual, going by the belligerent posture of the northern hegemony towards any attempts to move that region forward, that they (the ruling class) probably like things just the way they are. In that case, it would seem rather foolhardy for the northern power structure to expect the south to continue to bear an overloaded and unrealistic burden that would be amoral and therefore utterly untenable.

The recent agitation of the southern governors for the control of their resources and affairs must and will be heeded! It is in that regard that one is immensely troubled and disappointed (though not surprised) by the recent utterances of the northern governors to the contrary. The continued intransigence of these northern maladministrators coupled with their inflammatory proclamations (obviously playing to the gallery of the lunatic fringe in the north) regarding the Oodua Peoples Congress (while a commission of inquiry is still sitting in Lagos) is evidence of the fact that they do not wish Nigeria well. As an American colleague of mine put it the other day, if there is a malignant cancer in a part of your body, you cut that body part off! The so-called north, from all accounts seems to have gone from being a benign cancerous growth to the real possibility of becoming malignant. There is without a doubt, a remedy for such an eventuality. It would be criminal, were it not inhumane, to witness the continued rape and pillaging of the resources of the Niger-Delta while the inhabitants of that region have nothing whatsoever to show for their God-given resources. The life span of oil reserves is at most 100 years; the Nigerian economy has become too reliant on oil (accounting for 80% of the countrys revenue from exports) while its vast mineral deposits (which in contrast to oil have a life span of 400 years) have remained untapped. There is an urgent need for policy re-evaluation and economic diversification with a view to reenergizing the nations economy and the subsequent re-structuring of the body polity.
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In Northern Nigeria for example, there is clearly high literacy rate, even noticeably higher than the literacy rate in the Southern parts of Nigeria, the fact that the North did not embrace Western World education or Western European definition of education, simply does not change the fact that most persons in the Northern parts of Nigeria can Read and Write in Arabic, and being able to Read and Write is sufficiently accepted definition of being a literate person, unless we are to say the Germans, the Chinese, the French and the Japanese etc. are all illiterates as they conduct their lives not in English. The majority of the Nigerian citizens of the Northern extraction can Read and Write Arabic, so that, if we were to teach medicine and law in Arabic, these Nigerian citizens will be quite at home (even at age 100) whereas, correspondingly, there is no such high literacy level in the Southern part of Nigeria, and this fact is more pronounced in the older generation citizens of Nigeria of the Southern extraction.

OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY The main purpose of this research, therefore, is to explore the tatus of the quota system in Nigeria. This the researcher will try to achieve by; I To evaluate the relationship between the Nigeria quota system and the federal character principle of Nigeria.

ii. in iii.

Exploring the causes of stigma of educational imbalance Nigeria. To examine carefully the reality of competitive ethnicity in Nigeria with as it relates to power sharing and recruitment.

vi. To proffer recommendations on the most effective ways of curbing the problems of quota system in Nigeria

RESEARCH QUESTIONS In order to ascertain the status of quota system in Nigeria, some questions were developed. These questions are: i. What is the relationship between the Nigeria quota system and the federal character principle of Nigeria? ii. in iii. What are the causes of stigma of educational imbalance Nigeria. What is the status in terms of competitive ethnicity in Nigeria with as it relates to power sharing and recruitment.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY There is a need to revisit and reissue, for publication, this opinion on federal character, quota system, our affirmative action program; this topic, upon which a substantial portion of this article was first published in June 2003, it is slightly modified for this
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republication, which is as a consequence of the reignited debate about the importance of true and effective implementation of federal character in public appointments to reflect the multi-variables of a multi-cultural, multilingual, multi-religious Nigerias national development. It is important, particularly, in a plural society such as Nigeria, that all citizens feel a sense of equal voice, equal representation and equal participation. No citizen or group of citizens should feel marginalized.

Scope of the Study The study cover issues on the state of the quota system procedures in Nigeria in the areas of employment education power sharing, ethnicity and Nation and cultural co-existence. The focus is whether quota or federal character is a curse or blessing. Nonetheless, the significance of this study is to throw more light on the understanding of federal character commonly known as quota system. Therefore for this purposes, federal character will be used throughout the work as defined in our constitution.

THE FEDERAL CHARACTER PRINCIPLE In other countries, the on going debate has been on how to create equal opportunity for all the people living in their territories; whereas in Nigeria, the focus is whether quota or federal character is a curse or blessing. Nonetheless, the significance of this study is to throw more light on the understanding of federal character commonly known as quota system. Federal character is akin to US affirmative action or UK race relation and sex discrimination act, which amongst others attempt to compensate for discriminatory practices that have in the past denied fair consideration to members of minority groups. For example, an all-white government office may take steps to hire people of colour. Or, a mostly-male college programme may seek to balance its admissions by giving preference to female applicants. Ayoade (2000) It is quite interesting that time have recruited some Nigerians to become advocates and supporters of federal character in appointments to federal appointments. Disparate groups have joined this worthy discourse! All Nigerians should in good faith advocate that appointments and how we do business reflect our essential composite make-up as Nigerians, from local government to state and federal levels. All hands should be on deck. All engines for

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Nigerias development should be firing at full-throttle, from our diversities! There is a need to revisit and reissue, for publication, this opinion on federal character, quota system, our affirmative action program; this topic, upon which a substantial portion of this article was first published in June 2003, it is slightly modified for this republication, which is as a consequence of the reignited debate about the importance of true and effective implementation of federal character in public appointments to reflect the multi-variables of a multi-cultural, multilingual, multi-religious Nigerias national development. It is important, particularly, in a plural society such as Nigeria, that all citizens feel a sense of equal voice, equal representation and equal participation. No citizen or group of citizens should feel marginalized. The Constitutions of Nigeria, ( since 1979 to the present 1999 version) for decades now, have made provisions for a Quota System and the reflection of a Federal Character in appointments of public office holders, this, in my view makes perfect sense, in a diverse country and society as Nigeria. Diversity needs to be actively and purposefully encouraged and even, legally enforced, this should be provided by our laws, at local, state and federal levels and as well made justifiable by Nigeria's Supreme law, the Constitution of Nigeria. All successive government of Nigeria have talked about federal character in a flimsy manner without the necessary
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administrative framework to make its impact felt. For example, admission into federal universities and colleges are often determined on three differing percentile criteria such as: merit, state of origin and a rather clumsy educationally disadvantage leverage cover. In a normal circumstance, only the first two former criteria will do since at least, they will produce the best transparent result as opposed to the latter. Again, the absence of national identity card indicating state of origin and not sworn affidavit leads to inconclusive results and a fraud ridden system that leaves federal character to all kinds of abuses. Even though, it had been suggested earlier that state of origin criteria will do, however, a problem remains for those who may have changed residence and no longer have ties to their state of origin because of their economic activities in the state of their permanent residence. Hence, to tie federal character to state of origin criteria is flawed and unsatisfactory since it may lead to a number of difficulties and discrimination. In this regards, residency as criteria will be most appropriate as practised in most countries. Assuming we were to adopt residency and not just for taxation purposes only, states of the federation would become competitive in other hindsight in order to attract those wishing to take advantages of freedom of mobility and opportunities elsewhere which in turn results in balanced mutual benefit for the migrants and the state in question. All states, but especially the educationally disadvantaged states, need special provisions and protections in the admission process in Nigeria's educational system, especially in higher
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education and the professions! All Nigerians and Nigeria will be the beneficiaries of such good policy, that encourages the grooming and nurturing of opportunities for every Nigerian from every communities in Nigeria, and particular effort should be made, in order that Nigeria does not live anyone behind, economically, socially, educationally and developmentally, this is in our national interests, its nothing to jeer or sneer at.

In Northern Nigeria for example, there is clearly high literacy rate, even noticeably higher than the literacy rate in the Southern parts of Nigeria, the fact that the North did not embrace Western World education or Western European definition of education, simply does not change the fact that most persons in the Northern parts of Nigeria can Read and Write in Arabic, and being able to Read and Write is sufficiently accepted definition of being a literate person, unless we are to say the Germans, the Chinese, the French and the Japanese etc. are all illiterates as they conduct their lives not in English. The majority of the Nigerian citizens of the Northern extraction can Read and Write Arabic, so that, if we were to teach medicine and law in Arabic, these Nigerian citizens will be quite at home (even at age 100) whereas, correspondingly, there is no such high literacy level in the Southern part of Nigeria, and this fact is more pronounced in the older generation citizens of Nigeria of the Southern extraction. The later day acceptance of Western World
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education has severely and severally hindered the numbers of the educated among peoples of Northern Nigeria, but since we are in the same boat, all Nigerians are in the same boat! Our destiny is and will forever be intertwined, it is therefore wise and good investment to actively and purposefully invest in increasing the numbers of our brothers and sisters the Northern part of Nigeria in higher education and in the professions, we will be doing ourselves a favor, favor not to the recipient, but those who are willing to make the collective investment and sacrifice, to bring about a balanced, equal and fair society which Nigeria deserves, this is our path to greatness. Historically, some Southerners have also been huge beneficiaries of programs and policies similar to what I now advocate, for example, many years ago, There were also, many Students, of Southern Nigeria origins, who benefited immensely from the Remedial Education Programs at the University of Maiduguri, even though, the Remedial Programs were specifically targeted at Students of Northern origins from the immediate areas or neighboring states (catchments areas) the direct and indirect benefits are clear to me, or anyone who cares to examine it! The students for whom the programs were intended benefited, students who were outside the targeted group also benefited, the entire Nigerian nation benefits! What could possibly be wrong with that? Affirmative Action Programs Policies and the Quota System and Federal Character Policies reflect visionary thinking, a wonderful foresight, that should
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have the force of law, that we should all support and encourage and see that these policies continues to be enforced in Nigeria and America, the Big Picture is that we will all benefit! The more equipped Nigerians from every community in the nation are, the better we all are! When all Nigerians become equipped with skills, training and professional education in every level or strata, Nigeria will be on the way to our destined greatness! The basic principles of federal character are similar to fundamental human rights, which are seen as central to social justice and the foundation of peace, law and order, and dividends of democracy. However though, in spite of the wishful desire for anti discrimination programmes, they nonetheless remain controversial in some countries. Essentially, the above subject title shall be examined critically within the definition of federal character and accordingly, the paper shall be examining sections 14, 42, 217; and third schedule part 1 sections 7, 8 and 9; which gives the meaning as follows:

section 14 (3), the composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few State or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or in any of its agencies;
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subsection (4), the composition of the Government of a State, a local government council, or any of the agencies of such Government or council, and the conduct of the affairs of the Government or council or such agencies shall be carried out in such a manner as to recognise the diversity of the people within its area of authority and the need to promote a sense of belonging and loyalty among all the people of the Federation; section 42 (1)(2) states that, a citizen of Nigeria of a particular community, ethnic group, place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion shall not, by reason only that he is such a person: (a) be subjected either expressly by , or in the practical application of, any law in force in Nigeria or any executive or administrative action of the government, to disabilities or restrictions to which citizens of Nigeria of other communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, religions or political opinions are not made subject; be accorded either expressly by, or in the practical application of, any law in force in Nigeria or any such executive or administrative action, any privilege or advantage that is not accorded to citizens of Nigeria of other communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, religions or political opinions; subsection (2), no citizen of Nigeria shall be subjected to any disability or deprivation merely by reason of the circumstances of his birth; third schedule part 1 section 8 (3): notwithstanding any provision in any other law or enactment, the federal character
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commission shall ensure that every public company or corporation reflects the federal character in the appointments of its directors and senior management staff; and

section 217 (3), the composition of the officer corps and other ranks of the armed forces of the Federation shall reflect the federal character of Nigeria.

From the foregoing definition of federal character, sixteen important terms namely: federal, state, local council, all parastatals and agencies, public companies and corporations, composition, conduct, promote national unity, command national loyalty, predominance, persons, ethnic or sectional groups and diversity, disabilities or restrictions and circumstances of his birth come to bear. However, for the purpose of this essay, it maybe unnecessary to examine the wording and meaning of each term but nevertheless, they will be put into context in the substantive discussion in order to highlight how they impact on the north and south divide. Clearly, the founders of the constitution recognised and took into account our multicultural diversity when they formulated the social justice charter even though our people were denied their rights in vetting its coming into force, which had been envisaged by section 14 (2a). That states that, sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria from whom government through this constitution derives all its powers and authority. In theory, it is an important principle, which seeks to protect people's democracy and give credence to their vote and voices. Unfortunately, our politicians never have
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consideration for important provisions, whenever it contradicts their interests even when it would have backed their policies. Some of which raises the question whether Obasanjo's regime is an extension of military dictatorship in view of the fact that, his government continues to be run like a private business with no regards for democratic institutions including his obstruction of the EFCC - the only credible institution to discern his eight years of power. Owoyemi(2010) At the moment, federal character in its present form has only benefited in reality the people from regions that have held power and who still enjoy the influence of their fallen fathers- Awo for Yoruba, Zik for Ibo and Balewa for the north. Furthermore, Yoruba, Ibo and Hausa divide would have been most appropriate rather than the misleading north and south political divide discourses on federal character. Nevertheless, in spite of all, it is still absolutely correct to keep the discussion on north and south divide since Yoruba and Ibo falls within the south and Hausa in North. However, it must not be forgotten that these three ethnic groups are responsible for the marginalisation of other minorities despite the little they contribute to our national wealth as shown by the underneath illustration of diplomatic officials at the Nigeria Embassy, Austria. Out of a total of eight diplomats, Yoruba have four including the Ambassador; Hausa have three and Ibo has one. Whereas, the other minorities had none including Edo and the oil producing states. This scenario does not affect just Foreign Service's postings but it is also prevalent in other areas such as,
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OPEC, International organisation and etc. If one is to use north and south divide assessment, you are forced to agree that, the north is marginalised and unfavourably disadvantaged in accordance with federal character. And if you explore the argument further, there is no way of knowing whether all the Yoruba officials are not actually from the same state or President Obasanjo's cronies and likewise the Hausa represented. Yet, none of politicians from the region marginalised or not represented care about bringing any action before the federal character commission. There is no doubt that, there might be cases where, it may be difficult to apply federal character to everyone's satisfaction especially, if applicants vying for the vacancies are more than the places available. In that case, the best common denominator should be used as much as possible in order to narrow the division of all the ethnicity that make up Nigeria. The suggestion by president Obasanjo that, appointment into federal civil service be made on the basis that, applicant has to achieve second class upper degree or above, is incompatible with federal character and absurd. Because such hurdles may unduly affect certain groups whose people have been disadvantaged in the past to be able to compete with the so called educationally advantaged group. Rather, the primary purpose of federal character should be integration - one that serves the ideal of equal opportunity. Obasanjo's model of second class upper or above civil service will cause more trouble in the future and result further rift in north and south divide.

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It is also an aberration that Obasanjo has never had concern for federal character in selecting his ministers and political appointments! A mere look at his cabinet will say the iniquitous state of his ethnic Yoruba domination, followed by Hausa and Ibo. Again, implementing federal character according to the dictate of these three big ethnic groups is inconsistent with his oath of office and the spirit of our constitution. This kind of tribal politics is responsible for the divide and not a well implemented federal character that guarantees equal opportunity. One must say here that, federal character intertwined our national unity and to undermine it, is like asking our people whether one Nigeria is ever possible! Therefore, public understanding and debate of federal character or quote system has been on wrong assumptions. Firstly, there has been no practice of federal character so far other than lip service since there is even no institutional framework for it to function. Secondly, the system has only served those in power and their associates, and it is the same politicians who use false information to cause malice among us whenever their powers are threatened. The constitution clearly envisage that federal character is the only instrument that can truly unite our people and guarantee inclusiveness, economic integration, equality of treatment and mobility of labour within any part of its geographical territory. It gives Nigerians the legal basis to pursue any of its violation whether by the individual or federal character commission or similar body at
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the state level. Despite the fact that affirmative action is increasingly coming under attack in other countries, where the issue of how to integrate all the ethnicities is recurrent, nonetheless, the good of affirmative action outweighs its drawbacks since its intent is to do compensatory or distributive justice without which, would lead to mockery of democracy, equality, liberty and justice - the very values on which nations are founded (Dennis Kucinich: Affirmative action). Quota system or federal character can in no way be responsible for the north and south divide if adhered to in its strictest term since it equally applies to private bodies and corporation. Equally, the federal character commission must be forced to do its constitutional duty by ensuring that the tenets of federal character are complied with because, only its full implementation will strengthen citizenship, social cohesion and economic integration, loyalty and patriotism - inseparable dividends of democracy. However, for federal character to succeed there is need for its reformation to incorporate the necessary framework and bureaucracy in spite of any financial concern in terms of its monitoring and enforcement bearing in that only federal character can truly harmonise our difficult historical marriage. So far, politicians and their political allies have exploited this artificial north and south divide to cement their power base to the detriment of healthy political debate, development and how to eradicate corruption. What would have been wrong if president
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Obasanjo and Atiku had established new federal universities in any of those states without a federal university instead of pushing for a US education for sale model? What about building a new elite university like Oxford or Cambridge in Nigeria; where merit should be the only criteria and not Obasanjo and Atiku model of supporting only their own private universities. This would have been better use of our petroleum trust fund rather than been used to finance their private interests to the extent that private universities are now equally asking for their own shares to the detriment of public schools and institutions. Politicians and power holders are the root causes of the north and south divide and not federal character. They are drawing the lines; spinning and manipulating our people at the backdrop of tackling what ought to empower our people and nation. They have failed to realise how far our nation has been left behind by their lack of vision and focus. Finally, the survival of the Nigeria state lies on its ability to resolve the impasses in power, resources control and the economic integration of all the component ethnicities. Equally, our people must take the fight against those sowing the seed of hate and division and be proactive in defending their rights through the use of the court's authority. We expect the federal character commission to do its work in order to end the perverse discrimination against minorities. We cannot properly evaluate the impact of federal character, if politicians and policy makers continue to use it only whenever it suits them rather, it has to be applied in its strictest term because, it is a good law in practice and the supposedly
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criticisms are artificial and have nothing to do with the north and south divide. Ayoade (2000) THE REALITY OF COMPETITIVE ETHNICITY IN NIGERIA One obvious subject that has continued to elude the Nigerian nation is integration. Neither the political structure nor the law of the land is sufficiently positioned to redress the situation. The state of origin of every Nigerian has remained the most important ticket for getting anything. At the youth level, many Nigerians are favoured or deprived by the quota system of admission into schoolsa system which accepts a scenario where two pupils of the same school write the same examination for admission into the same college and it is the pupil with the lower score who gets admitted because of his state of origin. At the adult level, the situation is no less inexplicable. In the larger environment, ethnic groups in Nigeria cohabit under a cover of mutual distrust and suspicion with each scheming to undo the other. The majority groups naturally have the upper hand and they tell the rest of us that Nigerians are Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba. In fact, once one of them gets a position, the next consideration is what goes to the other two. Among the minorities, the bigger groups hold tight to whatever is available in their areas. For this reason, ethnic groups like Igede, Etulo, Abakwa and the Idoma, may as well forget ever occupying the office of governor of Benue State. It appears reserved for the Tiv because they are the majority. Fajana(2011)

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Recalling that although the Benins are the majority in Edo State, neither the incumbent state governor nor the minister representing the state in the federal cabinet is one of theirs. On its face value, one may be misled into seeing the Benins as liberal-minded and accommodating. The truth however, is that at this point in history; the Benins are just a sleeping majority. The last time one of them got into the federal cabinet, he was made a junior minister when some other states had two full ministers. Till date, no one knows or asked who negotiated that for the Benins. The story is the same even outside politics. For example, although the catholic faith came to Benin over one hundred years ago, no Benin man has been able to become the Catholic Archbishop of Benin. To say such matters are ordained and directed by God is to be unfair to the Almighty because everything is ordained by Him and because He is all fairness, He would not disapprove of members of only one tribe moving up towards the apex of their occupation. Why cant a Benin man be the Bishop in other peoples homelands? In the area of education, a Benin man has at last become the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Benin after 40 years of its existence. The puerile argument for long that heading a university was not an ethnic thing is a language of deceit as only one group can head my own revered University of Ibadan. What then is the problem of the Benins? It can be seen that disunity, lack of courage and selfishness among others. Yes, the Benin political class has lately been engaged in atomistic politics, a term which aptly describes a class that is at war with itself and
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thus unable to negotiate a right. Once some wealthy individuals among the minority groups can spread some resources around, the Benins collapse and begin to doggedly project their benefactors. If one listens carefully, one would hear things like that there are nonBenins with Benin interest as if other people can love somebody more than himself. Under the circumstance, it would not be difficult for a minority to win an election in Edo state. When compared to what our forbearers did, the fall of the famous Benin Empire of old shows clearly. If the late Chief Omo-Osagie was self-serving, he would not have declined to be Premier of the new Midwest region in 1963, so that Benin City could be the capital of the region. The warrior Obas of Benin built an expansive wall as long as 20,000km around the empire. The defensive edifice is the worlds longest selfprotective complex which according to the Guinness Book of Records, is the greatest earth work ever constructed by man. Today, the Benins have only one town-Benin City-all their other areas remain villages. No one else except the Benins can take responsibility for their poor state of affairs. They must thus rise now and take their destiny in their own hands because it will be unacceptable to posterity that the Benins were marginalized as a minority tribe in Nigeria and at the same time, allowed themselves to also be marginalized in a state where they are in a majority. To worry that some people would describe this argument as parochial is to overlook the imperatives of competitive ethnicity in a multi-ethnic society like ours. Some people may not like it but the truth is that ethnicity is one of the
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settled issues of our federalism. If not, we would not have had an arrangement where our President had to go to his place to register and to vote during the last general elections. But for the same overall importance of ethnicity, zoning would not have assumed its important status in our political structure. Abia state would not have disengaged from its public service more than 1,800 workers of Anambra State origin. The indigene-settler imbroglio in Jos, Plateau State, would not have been as fatal as it has become. These and many more examples of inter-ethnic problems in Nigeria confirm that ethnicity is still the decider of all matters in the country as it was in those days when the late sage, Obafemi Awolowo, who has been aptly described as the best President Nigeria never had, could not win either the general election of 1959 or the presidential elections of 1979 and 1983.The United States which like Nigeria, is heterogeneous, does not have our type of problem because ethnicity is not worshipped there. An American citizen born and bred in a place does not go in search of his ancestry to identify with a group so as to participate in any event. Until we take the issue of integration seriously, our ethnic groups would justifiably be engaged in cut-throat competitions. Those who avoid it through self-centered rationalizations would naturally decline because every other ethnic category has its own agenda. Nigeria's nations and the challenges of federalism

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AS we move inexorably towards a sovereign national conference, Nigerians must reflect again on the federal character principle enshrined in every constitution since 1960, its origins and how it works in practice. In paraphrase, the principle states that the government of Nigeria shall be run (appointment to high office, and resources, shared) in such a way as to reflect the federal character of the nation, and those of the states ditto to reflect variations in the make-up of local governments. At the pre-independence negotiations, it became clear that there was need to give constitutional expression to this sentiment in order to ensure that one or other of the three negotiating regions, East, West, or North did not get a greater share of the plumb jobs soon to be vacated by the departing Brits. The regions were not equally endowed with men/women for such jobs, so it would not have been fair to base appointments to those jobs on open competition (there, was the origin of the quota system). It is important to note that although the country was structurally federal with three autonomous regions at that time, the sentiments and passions that gave rise to the federal character principle were tribal, predominantly, Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Ibo. As time went by, these rulers of Nigeria began to see themselves as 'nations,' not 'tribes'. If there were any tribes in Nigeria they were the smaller ethnic groups, the so-called minorities. Not only did the rulers not want to use the word 'tribe' to describe themselves, they did not want the 'real tribes' (the minorities) to be too conscious of their own identities. The rulers developed a pathological abhorrence of
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the word 'tribe.' As is characteristic of the relationship between the ruler and the ruled, the former feared that too much tribal consciousness among the minorities (I almost said natives) would create tension and instability, just as the rulers of apartheid South Africa feared Steve Biko's advocacy of black consciousness. The minorities could see this tyranny of the majority in our form of democracy, but there was nothing they could do about it. The rulers banned tribal unions (but they carried on their tribal agendas under other names Afenifere, Ohaneze, Arewa whereas MOSOP, Egbesu must be dealt with firmly to prevent a threat to national unity (or more truthfully, to prevent the natives from destroying the source of the rulers' wealth around which the federal character principle is built). The rulers changed our national anthem leaving out 'tribe and tongue may differ.' They hoped that if we did not use the word 'tribe' all the time for some years, Nigerians would become good Nigerians; a good Nigerian is someone called a 'detribalised Nigerian, meaning a tribal minority who has become assimilated by one of the tribal majorities, or a tribal majority member who does not recognise the existence of tribes. A detribalised Nigerian can also be described as someone who wears European or Arabic suit all the time. Now some people are calling for a sovereign national conference where all Nigerian nationalities, all, including the smallest, can express a view on how they wish to relate to other nationalities (tribes) and to the Nigerian federation. Naturally, most of the
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minority tribes, who have never really been able to express their options on a Nigerian constitution, support the idea of a national conference (some hide their objection behind the word 'sovereign') is that the conference will, for the first time in the history of Nigeria, bring the 'tribes' to a negotiating constitutional table with the rulers. The rulers fear that the natives who do not really know what is good for them, will make unreasonable demands (such as a say on how the resources in their backyard and their environments should be managed) and cause problems for them. Why can't the natives see that the rulers know best what is good for them and that at all times the rulers have the interest of the natives at heart? To return to the federal character principle and put it point blank (to borrow a phrase from Tony Iredia), the principle derives from a tribal instinct and was enunciated to ensure that none of the three tribes (nations) that mattered then and now, Ibos, Yorubas or Hausa/Fulani, got a greater share of the national cake than the others. The Federal character compromise enabled Nigeria to gain independence in 1960, but it gave rise to a constitution that is negative in spirit and perspective, consisting mainly of arrangements for sharing Nigeria's wealth and characterised by mutual suspicion. It is not a constitution that inspires the citizens to work together to create wealth that would make Nigeria great. It is a constitution that actually encourages individuals in high office and groups to loot the treasury to buy influence among their tribes men or women, and justify it as doing something for their tribes or communities.
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One cannot urge the young Nigerian or even the old Nigerian now "not to ask what Nigeria can do for you, but what you can do for Nigeria." Such sanctimonious nonsense would not wish, given the ethos of the Nigerian constitution. It actually sounds preposterous. Even if we are to assume that Nigeria has all the wealth and that our only problem is how to share it equitably (there is no country in the world that can retain a reasonable quality of life for its citizens without continuously creating wealth), a federal character principle would still not be a satisfactory basis for such sharing, given the multi-tribal composition of the country and the inevitable controversy concerning a federating unit's prospective share in the production of the wealth, and its share out of it. The big three see themselves as the main beneficiaries of the federal character principle. When one of them complains of marginalisation, it always means that in that one's view, the other two have got a greater share of the cake than it. The equation of marginalisation which the rulers have to constantly balance by means of quotes and zonings always ignores the factor of minor tribes; it has to, they are just too many. What is worrying to the rulers now, and that is why they do not want a sovereign national conference, is that the wealth they are sharing comes predominantly from tribal homelands. Some of the states that were created by the rulers to increase the sharing units for their nations are so unviable, so unbelievably poor, that they are a joke. One state raises an income of 20 million naira monthly, but receives 400 million as subvention from the federation account. It is obvious that
30

the tribes will be coming to a sovereign national conference advocating true federalism, including fiscal federalism in which the federating units pay taxes to sustain the presidency. Clearly, many of the states created by the rulers will not survive such a structure, and yet it is the only structure that will release the tremendous creative entrepreneur energy locked up in Nigerians by a 'sharing' mentality, engendered by the present constitution. Owoyemi(2010) The way the principle of federal character presently works is a travesty even of its spirit and purpose. The principle arose from the compromise of the leaders of the three major tribes each wanting a fair share of the national cake for his tribe; but the federation where the principle now applies is one which the national wealth is divided into, not three tribes, but 37, sharing states. We have deviated from the spirit of the principle not so much because we have increased the number of sharing units but because of two crucial reasons. The first is that the increase in the number of pots is due to the division of each of the large tribes (nations) into several states, so that instead of sharing into, say, one Ibo tribe, we now share into several states of the same tribe, and this has occurred at the expense of the smaller nationalities or tribes. This now gives the major tribes an even more disproportionate share of the national cake. Also, the fact that states, rather than tribes, are the sharing units, enables the ruler to appear to be upholding the federal character principle even when he appoints a preponderance of his tribesmen or women into high office, by selecting them from different states of the same tribe. On the other hand, the small
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tribes are too small in population to constitute states, and many are in fact crunched together in tension-ridden states. Ayoade (2000) For appointment to high office in federal departments, the rulers use the quota system. This applies in admission to unity schools and institutions of higher learning, appointments in federal parastatals, ministries, etc. It is in the use of the quota that the federal character principle has wrecked its greatest havoc on the moral psyche of the Nigerian. Brilliant young Nigerians are quotaed out of their deserved places in schools of their choice. The disappointed youngsters carry a grudge against the country for what they rightly see as injustice. There is nothing they can do about it; they may find other ways to beat the quota, but the wound is there festering and preventing any roots of patriotism from sprouting. There are thousands of them. For every one admitted into federal school on merit from the so-called educationallyadvantaged states, there are hundreds who are quotaed out and who see Nigeria as a country where injustice is institutionalised, where honesty and hardwork do not lead to success. Those youngsters who are quotaed in are also corrupted by the system, corrupted by the arrogance and assumption that their privileges in special considerations for admission and employment are Godgiven. The federal character principle has gradually rendered the word 'merit' unfashionable in the Nigerian educational and employment sectors where merit should matter most. Those who have been in
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charge of admission, know that, given the chance, many parents will do anything to have their children admitted, they will swear affidavits to falsify the age of their under aged children, pay a surrogate candidate to take the examination for their children, buy leaked examination papers for their children. The educated elite parents with influence have taken advantage of opportunities offered by the nebulous federal character principle and quotas to totally corrupt the educational system. Owoyemi(2010) What about people in high office? Nigerians actually want their ministers, director-generals, perm secs and their commissioners to be corrupt and divert official funds to themselves, their communities or their regions. How else can they justify their quota appointments? The rulers find it difficult to sanitise the system by removing an incompetent or corrupt high office holder, even if they wish to; the royal fathers from the office holder's region will mount pressure on the rulers for the reinstatement of their incompetent or corrupt son or daughter. We have been conditioned by years of federal character principle, and we have come to accept appointments in terms of quotas not ability. The National Assembly has even set up federal character committee to monitor how well this constitutionalised corruption is working. Recruitment Practices in Nigeria: Issues of Equality and Diversity Recruitment is viewed as one of the key factors to organizations growth and success (Tanova, 2003). The profitability and survival of
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an organization usually depends on the calibre of its employees (Wickramasinghe, 2006). Taylor (2006), defined recruitment as an activity which generates a pool of applicants wishing to be employed by an organization out of which suitable candidates are selected. Though there are a range of activities and processes but irrespective of that, organizations should reflect equality and diversity in practice. Previous studies have shown the importance of recruitment practices to business success. (Tanova, 2003). Ahmad and Schroeder (2002), opined that the first step to ensuring the success of organizations, is to make sure that employees possess the right qualities thus; effective recruitment practice reduces labour turnover and enhances employee morale (Bonn and Forbinger, 1992; Lee et al., 1999). Ayoade (2000), opined that subjecting recruitment, appointment and promotion to the Federal character usually discriminates against merit. This results in the recruitment of incompetent people in the workforce which will eventually lead to poor performance (Gberevbie, 2010). This condition is mostly common in the public sector. In Nigeria, employment discrimination has not been adequately addressed because of the quota system that is still present especially in the public sector (Fajana et al., 2011). Equality and Diversity in Recruitment There has been a lot of debate over the definition of diversity and equality (Owoyemi and Sheehan, 2011; Torrington et al., 2005;
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Wickramasinghe, 2006). Up till now there is no unified agreement as to what the two terms really are. But they could be analysed based on the components such as age, religious beliefs, sex, nationality, race, equal pay and harassment. Equality and diversity are used interchangeably most times though they have different connotations. Equality is about creating a fairer society where everyone can participate and has the opportunity to fulfill their potentials while diversity literally means a difference (DOH, 2004). Human Resource (HR) management is aimed at developing and implementing policies that provide a balance whilst considering the needs of different stakeholders in managing workforce diversity (Armstrong, 2006). HRM practices could be improved by adopting effective recruitment in organizations that reflects equality and diversity, (Taylor, 2005). Equality is the tendency for organisations to give out equal opportunities to all irrespective of race, sex, disability, age or marital status (Armstrong, 2006). The workplaces in recent times are cumbered with various forms of diversities coupled with differing work ethics, deep-seated attitudes, opposing perspectives and diverse motivations (Owoyemi et al., 2011). Diversity characterizes the preferences, motivations, personalities, group identity and visions of people as well as their supernatural ambitions for dominate. The Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (CIPD, 2009, 2010) Code of Conduct stipulates that the recruitment process should have an accurate and updated job
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description that does not discriminate against sex and avoid over inflated job criteria in terms of person specification. The code also covers areas like interview process, selection criteria, training and development and promotions. Workforce Diversity and Equality in the United Kingdom is covered by the Equality Act of 2010. The Act harmonises and replaces previous legislation such as the Race Relations Act of 1976 and the Disability Discrimination Act of 1995. Thus, the employment law in the UK and Nigerian both protect employees from discrimination.

Public and Private Sectors Recruitment Practices In Nigeria Similarities and differences occur in the recruitment practices in both the public and private sectors which are reflected in the methods, budget, organization culture, skills and knowledge requirement. The public sector is characterized by an aging workforce (Greenfield, 2007) thus, there is need to recruit others to replace the retiring workers. All public organizations are mandated by the Federal Character Principle (FCP) of 2003 and Quota System Policy (QSP), to recruit employees according to the national diversity legislation. In the public sector, equality in recruitments is marred by personal interests such as preference by management, ethnic and social class influences (Fajana, 2009). The private sector is more rigid in applying best HRM practices to ensure that only credible candidates are recruited into vacant positions.

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The public sector is highly unionized towards protecting employees rights. The private sector has not witnessed a high participation in workers union in the private sector (Fajana et al., 2011). These trade unions could be used as forums to identify and discuss issues not only concerning work relations but also issues of an effective recruitment process such as diversity. The similarities between the public and private sector is seen in their struggle to manage equality and diversity.

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EDUCATIONAL IMBALANCE IN NIGERIA Incalculable effort and personal sacrifice have gone towards uniting Nigeria politically. A truly united nation, however, is not achieved by political or military decisions alone. The problems of unity in this country have always had a dominant social undertone. Social restructuring is therefore necessary before a just and egalitarian society can be attained which in turn has the potential of lasting unity and stability. For a just and egalitarian society to be produced, employment opportunities must be equal. That is, no section of the country should feel or be made to feel that they are, or will become, "the hewers of wood and drawers of water". The most important ingredient of employment opportunity is education, especially higher education. People are now sufficiently aware in this country of the fact that political power, not backed by social development, and the full participation in all aspects of the national life and management, is shaky. The development of skilled manpower is therefore intricately bound to the future integration of any group in the society - "to know what the future holds out, see what the young people are up to or up against."

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Certain sections of this country will be highly disturbed about their future in a united Nigeria if they study the pattern of higher educational opportunities in the country. It is this kind of disturbance which promotes among the people some actions and counteractions, mutual suspicion, nepotism and loss of confidence in the concept of fair play. This leads to unhealthy group political and social instability as each identifiable section then attempts to devise ways and means of protecting its own position - hence the problems of ethnic politics, census crises and the like. Fajana(2011) In Nigeria, the problem of disparity in higher education among the various ethnic groups has been a long standing source of friction. Efforts have been made from time to time to correct this disparity and it has always been clear that, at some stage, the issue will have to be faced squarely if it is not to have adverse and inevitable effects on nation building and social integration. If there is any Government that can bravely confront the issue, it is a military Government, especially this military administration, which has excelled in the boldness of resolving long standing contentious issues, such as the creation of more states, corruption, the issue of Federal Capital and so on. Other nations of heterogeneous composition have faced this problem of regional education disparity. Those free countries, which managed to remain one, had to solve it. In Canada, as we found in our recent visit, the French and the English-speaking peoples were kept in the same country by complete regionalisation of all levels of
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education. In Malaysia deliberate, and seemingly unfair measures, were temporarily adopted to bring up the Malays to the level attained by the Chinese. Since Nigeria has decided to put higher education in the Exclusive Federal Legislative List, thereby rendering all Universities Federal institutions, it is even more incumbent on (and easier for!) for the Federal Government to remove this disparity in higher education. The Evidence The figures to be produced in this section are derived from National Universities Commission sources based upon the returns obtained from the Universities, Government records, etc. This is probably the first time that these facts are being brought out in this stark form. The reaction to their publication should therefore not be taken for granted; although at the same time they do provide the basis for the suggested solutions. It is hoped that these solutions will be applied as from the 1976/77 session in the Universities. There is still time for that to be attempted. There is great geographical and ethnic imbalance in University education. In relation to their population, the Northern States suffer most, followed by Rivers and Cross River States. The situation is not improving. It is getting worst each year. For individual Universities and for the whole group the imbalance is increasing exponentially. The imbalance is worse in respect of disciplines. In the year 1974/75 the 4 states referred to above monopolised 80% of
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the enrolment in Medicine and Pharmacy, 77% in Engineering and Technology, 75% in Pure Science and Agriculture and Forestry as well as 75% in Education. They monopolised 60% in Law and 56% in Public Administration. In other words, the more backward states are in fact even worse off in the really technical fields - important for development and for education. How, even in ABU, the 4 advanced states are doing relatively better in these technical subjects. The West appears to monopolise the Education enrolment which is an indication of further educational expansion. According to the cost of University education as seen from N.U.C. sources alone. The two conclusions are (i) the gross imbalance in the distribution of the wealth of the nation in this sector taking per capita expenditure on the student and applying this to enrolment, (ii) the rising cost of higher education (this year the truncated N.U.C. budget is half of the total Federal Education budget). This progressive rise could limit the expansion of the system. States which are now backward do not have all that bright a chance of catching up by way of increase in number of University places. The future of the country, as it were, lies in the hands of the Nigerian citizens hailing from the West, East Central, Lagos and Midwest states (in the form of 12-State structure), since they have enjoyed a long monopoly of highly skilled manpower development in all disciplines, and since the situation is not improving.
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Causes of the Imbalance Surely, the imbalance has nothing to do with the basic intelligence of the people since this quality is found to be distributed normally in the population. The cause lies in our social-political history and is sustained by persistent attitudes and differences in Lower Level Educational Facilities. The first and foremost cause is the fact that Western Education came much earlier in the South than in the North. Even in the South, the early efforts were made by Christian Missionaries. The concomitant proselytising activities of those educationists rendered them unacceptable in the Muslim North. But that is not the end of the story. The British colonialists understandably did more havoc here. The first Teacher Training School in the North was established in 1922. The same School was later transferred to Kaduna, then to Zaria (last as a Secondary School). Serial enrolment number in this continuous school reached the 1000 mark in 1953.As a result of these factors the North is lagging far behind. The Rivers and Cross River States lag behind for a different reason - they were minorities in a large region before the creation of states. At a time (1975) when the West, East Central, Midwest and Lagos States were enrolling 238,964 students, the six Northern states enrolled only 60,693; four times lower. It should also be recollected that quite a proportion of these students from the North, would be students, in fact, not indigenous to those 6 states. Apart from differences in sheer numbers, the standards of the secondary schools also differ. While the percentage of successful
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candidates (Divisions 1, 11 and 111) in the advanced states is of the order of 50-60 per cent, in the four Northern States (Kano, North West, North East and North Central) it was of the order of 2O - 40 per cent. Apart from the stark ethnic element as the figures show, obtain in most of these six Universities, there has been a long standing lack of concern for the national problem of educational imbalance. These Universities will be the first to quoter their token individual efforts to encourage students from the backward areas of their own country. No doubt, Ibadan, for example, will quote the establishment of Jos Campus which was originally scheduled for elsewhere. The prolonged Senate debates that went on over this before the campus at Jos was accepted, and the real performance of the Campus in terms of bridging the gap in enrolments, however, act as cautious reminders. Why should some Nigerian Lecturers be paid N2.00 a night inducement allowance for working in Jos? What prompted a former Vice-Chancellor to rebuff the Vice-Principal of the NECAS who came to him to discuss the admission of NECAS graduates into the University of Ibadan (while these graduates were accepted by ABU through an agreement and by Lagos probably because of other connections of the NECAS council), by simply saying that Ibadan did not recognise the Examination taken at Maiduguri? It is quite clear that most of the Universities, apart from political statements at suitable moments, could not really claim to have addressed themselves earnestly to the problem of the educational imbalance in the country they were set up to serve.
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Worsening Imbalance It has already been indicated that this educational imbalance in the country is getting worse, not better. The high representation of the former West in Lagos, Ife and Ibadan is stable if not rising. The preponderance of students of the East Central State origin in Nsukka and of Bendelites in Benin are increasingly exponentially. Enrolments in the technical and professional discipline are also getting more and more in favour of the four dominant states. The others are improving their performance but nothing like to the same extent. A particular point to note is the huge preponderance of teachers (as judged by enrolments in Education) these states will have. This is an indication of further accelerated development in Education and further widening of the gap, a vicious cycle. Against the arguments of the widening educational gap will surely be quoted the Federal (and State) Government efforts in educational expansion at the lower levels. All very well, but these efforts must be placed in their proper perspective in terms of their universal nature, the likelihood of better utilisation in certain parts of the country than in others, and the length of time it is likely to take before the effects are seriously felt. It must also not be forgotten that some of these plans are not really plans, but statements of intent or even of hope. There can be little doubt that improved educational opportunities will be better utilised in the four privileged southern States than in
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the ten Northern (and the other two under-privileged Cross River and River) States. In the North especially, well-known social handicaps of poor infrastructure, persisting suspicion of Western education as a threat to cultural institutions, still militate against educational expansion and a greater motivation. In terms of erecting physical structures and equipping these, sheer distance from the ports is a serious handicap. With this in mind one can now better judge the likely effect of the Universal Primary Education Scheme and the expansion of the secondary school system, and the increase in the number of Universities, on the educational imbalance. There is no question that the national expansion of education at all levels is a very salutary social development which we are fortunate enough to be able to plan and finance and we must get on with it. But under the prevailing circumstances, and without adequate safeguards and remedial measures, it will only worsen the educational imbalance and would contribute to the creation of more social and political problems than to national unity and stability. By definition, the Universal Primary Education Scheme applies to the whole country and in absolute terms, will not close any gap. It could be argued that in the advanced states a much greater proportion of pupils are already going to school than in the North for example, and therefore the UPE will have some absolute effects by more greatly increasing the number going to school up-country. This is debatable from several angles. The first is that before the UPE becomes truly universal will be at least a quinquennium, if not
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a decade. Secondly, any one who knows the handling of the UPE programmes by the former Administrations in the Northern States will know that, unless radical measures are taken, the whole thing will be UPE only in name. Fajana(2011) Thirdly, even with the best management up-country, infrastructural reasons render it easier to build in the areas nearer to the sea. Fourthly, enrolment does not mean success from the availability of teachers etc., the primary schools in the less developed states are likely to have more poorer standards and therefore a lower yield to the secondary schools. The great disparity in secondary school enrolments has already been referred to above. The recent decision by the Federal Government to peg secondary school fees should be seen as potentially encouraging more secondary school enrolment by providing relief to State Governments and other sponsoring agents, in addition to the parents. In other words, more secondary schools will now be built and these areas that have more and better primary schools. Since these areas will be the four states already referred to above, it can be seen how the imbalance will be further worsened.There is now massive expansion in the University system. Those with better secondary schools, will, all things being equal, take greater advantage of this in terms of occupying the few University places. There is not the slightest doubt, that without a radical alteration in University admission policies, these new Universities will only serve to increase the preponderance of students from the former West, East Central, Midwest and Lagos States. Owoyemi(2010)
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In the Universities themselves, the Federal Government is now contemplating introducing free education. Whatever may be the merits of this considered step, its likely effect on University population must be mentioned. It is going to result in an even greater imbalance in enrolment, for the simple reason that at the moment, there are a fair number of highly eligible candidates for University education, mainly from the educationally advanced states, who unfortunately cannot enter University simply on financial grounds. This must be partly responsible for the annual shortfall of about 10 per cent of budgeted enrolment targets of the Universities. In addition to this, one has to consider the aspect of the new policy of student financing concerning the liberalisation of loans to students studying overseas. Every one knows that there are literally thousands of Nigerian students scattered overseas studying on their own. Most of these are from the already advanced states. Government loan scheme to these is a timely and kindly gesture but must be seen in the perspective of causing further imbalance. A final area, which is a very serious potential source of imbalance in University education is the matter of Extenal Degree either through correspondence courses or part-time classes. One or two Universities are trying to embark upon that. The University of Lagos has stated, and the University of Ibadan would have started last October but for the upsets caused by the retirements etc. As these External Degree Programmes can effectively neutralise any measures that Government may adopt in order to correct the existing imbalance, it will be referred to later. Fajana(2011) It must
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be stressed that the Federal Military Government is only performing its duty to the citizens by the bold steps of educational expansion and "boosting the educational opportunities of every Nigerian" and the FMG deserves support for that, but, surely, every silver lining has its cloud, the rain from which needs not be allowed to drench us all. Dangers of Educational Imbalance In the last few years there have been efforts at promoting national unity - especially after the Civil War. Every one now sees his or her future in the context of one Nigeria. But what will that future be? The answer to this question will provide the basis for planning for lasting national unity and harmony. The National Youth Service Corps exchange of students and other personnel and functionaries between states, the posting of principal officers to states other than those of their origins, etc., are all gestures intended to mix peoples at functional levels. Commerce, guarantee of safety to nonindigenes of states are also intended to encourage mixing. But all these are besides the point if it is not ensured that all parts of the country have the same realisable opportunities of participating in the national life now and in the future. "Full opportunities" is meaningless if certain criteria before the opportunities become accessible, which criteria effectively discriminate against some sections. For example, every one can enter the University if he has appropriate entry qualifications. Every one has the opportunity to a good job if he has a University degree. Every one can attain these
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appropriate qualifications if he has passed out of a good secondary school and so on and so forth. So criteria must only be uniformly applied if they are fair and just from first principles; namely, if all started the competition from the same line. One thought which could defuse the time bomb of geographical and ethnic educational imbalance would be what the late General Muhammed referred to as all of us "learning to live together as Nigerians". If people from one part of the country, as individuals, will work in other parts of the country and treat these parts, in all respects, as their homes; if all Nigerians, as individuals, will treat all other Nigerians exactly as they now treat members of their one ethnic groups, then, educational imbalance would hardly, have occurred, and, even if it happened, would hardly have been noticeable. Every one knows better than to conclude that these happy days are with us yet. As it is, this existing and deteriorating educational imbalance will worsen the differential employment opportunities of the indigenes of the backward parts of the country. Even the attempts made by the Federal Government to rectify the massively anomalous geographical representation in the public sector are being frustrated by one thing or the other. For example, the decision to decentralise the Federal Civil Service was first taken about eight years ago; it was renewed last year, with very precise guidelines given, but up till now little or nothing appears to have happened. If employment opportunities are different, standards of living, life expectancies and other parameters of existence and of well-being, will be different. In other words, in our present
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capitalistic vegetation, there will be many more have-nots in some parts than in others. The Distribution of the haves will be the exact reverse. Fajana(2011) If the haves and the have-nots assume distinct geographical distribution, the wealth of the country will follow the same pattern, by definition. No one needs to be persuaded to believe that this is exactly what happened over the first phase of the indigenisation exercise. Mutual suspicion will thereby be further entrenched and, in order to avoid outright political domination and oppression by those who can control events through their vantage position, the deprived will resort to survival tactics which will attract appropriate anticipatory counter-tactics by the affluent. In this climate there can be no national exercises, like Census and elections, that can be conducted without drawing hostility, bitter disputes and clashes which may be physical. All in all, the society will be eminently poised for ethnic crisis if not strife. This is the apocalypse Nigerians have just got to avoid. Government Responsibility It is the task of the competent Government, which has the responsibility for defending the countrys integrity and constitution, to remove all sources of strife - imminent or potential. Here, it is necessary to emphasise that this must not be considered a NorthSouth dispute. For one thing, the Rivers and the Cross River States are also affected. It must be seen positively as a question of
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correcting a dangerous educational imbalance in the whole country. It will be an exercise embarked upon in order to lay a sound foundation for unity and for contentment among the peoples. It is a task for which the Federal Government needs to offer no apologies, and the Committee on University Entrance needs to have no hesitations in recommending.Serious social problems of this nature are solved by facing them, not by avoiding them, since sooner or later they will have to be faced. It is better to face them when we can do so in a measure of peace and goodwill, when we have the Government that can do so. The Government will find it necessary to immediately prescribe a solution to the problem. Some of this prescription can be applied immediately, the rest will be long term. There may be protests, even stormy protests, from the so-called privileged. But this is natural. These protests will simply have to be contained and the measures pursued with the political firmness they deserve, until every one comes to accept the situation; until every one realises that what was done was for the lasting peace of the nation. Rationalising the System of Quota Admission It will be necessary to work out the method of selecting the quota students from the various areas, and also to give guidelines as to which of the various institutions they should be sent for any necessary remedial courses. A review of the WASC results for two years presented in the form of the Grades achieved, and then in the
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terms of credits obtained, may help. If candidates with Division III in WASC are prepared for university education, the numbers of students from the underprivileged areas will increase substantially. Using only Division I and II as the universities tend to do now, will not redress the imbalance even if all the qualified candidates enter university. Using the GCE pass rate, the numbers benefiting will also increase substantially, but not as much as by using Divisions and taking Division III as well. At the moment, universities consider only candidates who score 5 credits. The numbers likely to benefit in the underprivileged states will be small. Using four credits especially for remedial course is not likely to make great difference. Figures are not available for candidates who obtain three credits and two or one credits. But clearly it maybe necessary to go down to these levels. In all categories, the problems likely to be faced are those of subject combinations, but if the institutions are seriously determined they can rectify this. Regularising University Admissions It was already indicated that the educational imbalance at the university level can be redressed by two complementary means, increasing the eligibility of candidates from the backward areas, and detribalising the process of university admissions. Admission has become a national issue, and therefore a political issue. It should therefore be handled by the political organ of the university 52

the Governing Council . At the moment, admission is the responsibility of Senate. It is regarded as an academic exercise, and Council is sometimes not even notified of admission figures giving detailed analysis. Senates are very conservative bodies which jealously guard what they call university autonomy and academic freedom. But neither of these can over-ride national unity and harmony. Concerning the Senates modest record of concern with the geographical imbalance in our universities education, the composition of these Senates (the staff of the existing universities classified by ethnicity of geographical areas will yield similar graphs to those of student enrolment) and the unexpected inability of these bodies to completely divest themselves of all ethnic sentiments, one should not allow university admissions to remain their exclusive responsibility, at least not that portion of it related to correcting imbalance. Universities admission should therefore for the time being, be transferred from being the ultimate responsibility of the Senate, to being that of the Governing Council. The Councils should be given clear directives by the FMG as to what is expected of them in terms of redressing the imbalance, using set guidelines. The Councils will then arrange to take over the control of the admission apparatus. Each Council should report to FMG, within four to eight weeks of the beginning of any session an analysis of the universitys admission for the year - with details of State by State breakdown, and States by Disciplines, as well as States by Remedial Courses breakdown and clearly shown. This should be observed for a
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number of years with policies and mechanics appropriately adjusted according to the feedback obtained. Apart from vesting the Councils with responsibility for admissions, some general shake-up may be needed in university administration - to reduce allegations of tribalism at the lower administrative staff level, if necessary by shuffling the staffing of certain positions. It does appear that what the Universities want is leadership. Respectable Universities do not want to live under the shadows of the politics of tribalistic admissions or the charges of ignoring national needs hanging over their heads. Our universities are no exception. Problems of Quota System of Admission The problems to be faced in introducing the quota system of admissions into the Universities are two types - the real ones and the obstructionistic ones. Genuine Problems 1. Expense It could be quite expensive. The State Colleges of Arts and Science, will cost at least 15 to 20 million naira each. The Federal schools of Arts and Science may require expansion. The universities, the older universities, will use the introduction of a remedial course as an opportunity to press for funds for capital development. To prevent lack of funds being used as an excuse to frustrate the whole
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exercise in so far as the universities are concerned, generous provisions will need to be made here too. 2. Logistic To organise the quota system requires an efficient coordinating machinery. As already indicated, a Quota Implementation Committee can be set up to serve as a Common Entrance Board of limited scope. The Committee will have to be fairly high powered. Of course, the problems of staffing and equipping any remedial centres to be established need no emphasis. 3. Congestion in the Universities Introduction of remedial courses in the universities will increase congestion already existing in some of them. The staff will need to put in extra work. However, it has already been shown that these remedial courses enrol half of those who could have been enrolled into preliminary courses. The net effect tends to be less serious than imagined. 4. Problems of Injustice This is the most emotional part of the whole undertaking, but the system proposed must be seen in the proper perspective. It is not the intention to lower entry qualification for degree courses for any group. That will not be in the interest of any one. What is proposed is to give a second chance at entering into a degree courses to those who come from weak secondary schools.
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It is therefore not as if there is someone with qualifications for entry into a degree course who is turned away in favour of someone with lower ones who happens to come from a particular area. In addition to giving a second chance to the weaker candidate, more equal opportunity for entry is also introduced by fair play, which means abolition of all traces of tribalism in the university admission process. This is the job of a briefed political body - the Governing Council. Nevertheless, there will still be problems since the quota will need to be preserved for the Colleges of Arts and Science in the backward States, and since preliminary admission will be halved in favour of remedial courses. Questions will be asked like: The son of a farmer in Ekiti or Arondizuogu is as deprived as the son of a farmer in Eket or Argungu, so why ever discriminate? Whose fault is it that the secondary schools in the states affected are fewer and standards poorer? Since we are all committed to unity, why cannot every Nigerian be regarded as a Nigerian and given equal opportunity? These questions are quite searching, but the answers to them do exist. On the two farmers sons - you promote national unity; by doing justice to groups rather to individuals. This is the concept of the greatest good for the greatest number. Anyone who asks whose fault it is that there is educational imbalance in the country needs to be told that the future of the nation is more important than apportioning blames, and that historical errors are corrected by determined men fortunate enough to have the opportunity to do so.
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We are in the position to correct these errors which threaten our national oneness, and should not dissipate energy in laconic circumspection and recriminatory adjudication. As can be seen in the article by Dr. S.D. Onabamiro, there will inevitably have to be "temporary injustice" done to certain individuals. This is the give and take of peaceful and harmonious co-existence. The Chinese accepted it from the Malays in Malaysia. On the question of Nigerians having equal opportunity, it can be replied that the quota system is designed to promote just that! 5. Surplus Youth If there are some highly qualified candidates for university education, who wish to, but cannot get in, there will be surplus youth. But the expansion in the university system can absorb most of such any way. Then the others can get into other post-secondary institutions like Colleges of Technology, and para-professional courses and the Armed Forces. Here too a quota system should be adopted. A fair redistribution of manpower would then result. Employment opportunities, currently high in the country for the realistic ones in this group, will obviate any problems. 6. Non-Co-operation and Sabotage If the introduction of a quota system generates the expected heat, then this factor will have to be reckoned with.

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First of all, the university staff could theoretically refuse to teach the students any remedial courses. This is not very likely, since the university staff are responsible people and since the University authorities will be required to see to that. What is more likely is that these students could be taught grudgingly, without goodwill. If the final examination of the remedial course is made internal, a high proportion of these candidates can also theoretically be failed just to prove that they were never "university material" any way. A system of external examiners nominated (not on individual but) on institutional basis can help reduce this unlikely problem, which should however not be ruled out because of human weaknesses. The act of non-co-operation and sabotage can also be applied to the marking of the WASC and the JMB examinations. The only answer is to take steps to increase confidence in the conduct of these examinations. The most effective way will be to decentralise them, and establish regional centres. To safeguard local cheating, a small sample of schools from other parts can be made to take the examination of each designated area and vice-versa. Another possible reaction is non-co-operation in staff recruitment and in erecting physical structures. These are most unlikely, and can be discounted. They are the sort of things which could only accompany open hostility. 7. Civil Strife

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It is not expected that civil strife will result from this, but it should not be ruled out completely. More likely will be violent reactions from the students who justly (or not) feel deprived. There could also be mob taunts to remedial course students in the universities or to those coming from such course. This could lead to all sorts of things, but will be a temporary phenomenon. 8. Effect of Quota Admission on Morale of Candidates It is possible for the quota students to develop a -complex as a result of the taunts referred to above. That would not be new and is the reason why in white America the Black Universities do not physically separate remedial course students from the others. A measure of such taunts has always existed and is no more than mere friction. Let the affected students learn to be thick-skinned. It is good for them. 9. Poor Motivation The problem of poor motivation in the affected states, to the extent that the whole effort to introduce quota admissions becomes not worth the pitch, is a possibility. There will need to be organisation to overcome this as indicated above. The authorities may also be too slow or too busy to respond in the pursuit of the establishment of the remedial centres. All these should be expected. 10. External Degree

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The External Degree programme can be effectively used to maintain or worsen the imbalance even if the quota system comes to be accepted. This will not only be in the Arts but also in Science since there are plans to bring these students in for Laboratory work during long vacations. In a way these programmes can act as a safety valve but it will be necessary to observe that they are not misused by anyone to counteract Government policy on imbalance. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECCOMMENDATIONS SUMMARY It is a sure bet. No Nigerian government is likely to escape accusation of marginalisation in any national political appointments. That is somewhat, natural. Nigeria , a nation of more than 250 ethnic nationalities, has since it attained independent 52 year ago, sought to give everyone the opportunity to share in the socalled national cake. But there are always suspicions that the political leaders favour their geo-political regions or states to the detriment of other areas. There may be serious arguments with rancour and heat to oppose the quota system of admission. There will be figures bandied about. While cautioning on the limitations of statistical analyses, it should be pointed out that in this case the only valid correlation will be that of a population sample against the given higher educational opportunities of that sample under prevailing circumstances.

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Arguments about lowering standards by adopting the quota system will be spurious since all that is intended is to remedy the effects of poor secondary schools. This is best done in the universities or similar institutions. You cannot remedy a student in the same institution where he was retarded. There will be hue and cries of infringement of University autonomy, insult to Senates, rape of the University system etc. (coming from expatriates as well) if admissions are removed from Senate to Council in the universities. A few show piece resignations from certain Government bodies can be anticipated. This will all be part of the expected trials of a problem which is at least being tackled. Of course shortage of funds, staff and facilities will be put in the fore front. Elaborate details will be obtained of the already deplorable state of the universities. The short answer is to improve the facilities, but, more important, to make better use of the existing ones in the national interest. In education, It will be stated that students do not wish to leave their areas to study elsewhere, and citations made of individual unsuccessful heroic efforts to enrol students from deprived areas. The latter may well be true, but this wide imbalance gap requires more than "token" or "showpiece" efforts of well disposed individuals however sincere. It may be argued that quota admission will engender complex in the students concerned and give them a bad start in life. A remedial course leading to a degree surely engenders
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less complex than lack of university education. All these arguments should therefore be expected, but must be seen for what they really are: obstructionist. In fact, the debate on federal character as a means of ensuring equity and social justice is almost as old as the Nigerian nation. In his first administration as a military head of state, Obasanjo tried to tackle the problem through the introduction of quota system in university admission, admission to federal government colleges, and recruitment into government ministries and parastatals. Pertaining to recruitment matters, the federal character

commission Decree No. 34 of 1996, was signed into law, to give the commission the legal muscle to operate. The 1999 Constitution lends weight to the fundamental objectives and principles of federal character in section 14. Item 3 of the section says: The composition of the government of the federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that government or in any of its agencies. Item 4 of the same section prescribes a similar idea for each state of the federation. Thus, it is incumbent on the commission, to among other things: work out an equitable formula for the distribution of cadres of offices in the federal and state public services, as well as
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government-owned companies and agencies; promote, monitor and enforce compliance with the principles of proportional sharing of all bureaucratic, economic, media and political posts at all levels of government; and take such legal measures against any individual, ministry, government body or agency which fails to comply with any federal character principle or formula prescribed or adopted by the commission. But has the principle of federal character furthered the cause of Nigeria as a nation? Opinion, as in the past, remains divided. CONCLUSION Nigeria has the largest population in Africa with an estimate of about 160 million people thus; it has an abundance supply of human resources. Its natural endowment in oil attracts investors from across the globe and it is gradually integrating into the global business environment. Globalization has impacted HRM practices because it demands that organizations conform to global standards of operations (Fajana et al., 2011). But increase in globalization further increases the diversity of the work place. Recruitment in Nigeria is governed by the Nigerian Labour Act of 1974 and also the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria hence, section 14 (3) states that the composition of the government of the federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the Federal Character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity. And also, to command national loyalty by ensuring that there shall be no
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predominance of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that government or in any of its agencies. The significance of the Federal Character Principle cannot be overemphasized but some human rights activists believe that it is a mere euphemism for balancing ethnic dichotomy (Bodunrin, 1989; Ayoade, 2000 in Fajana et al., 2011). The imbalance in enrolment in the Universities was first brought to light as far back as 1952 when a delegation of the British Interuniversity Council for Higher Education in the Colonies (now called for Overseas - IUC for short) paid a visit to the then University College, Ibadan. They noticed a shortage of students from the then Northern Nigeria but firmly rejected a quota system of admission on the grounds that this would lower academic standards. When the debate on the imbalance in University enrolment heated up and it appeared that the then Federal Government was going to be unyielding in its bold determination to do nothing - the underprivileged states embarked upon serious plans to build and own Universities. This included the Rivers State (the then South Eastern States entered into a fruitful political association with the then East Central State over Nsukka). The then top functionaries of the Federal Government, very interestingly blocked these efforts by working against very formidable States opposition to transfer Higher Education from the concurrent to the Exclusive Federal Legislative List in the Constitution in order, according to them, to stop the "tribalisation of our Universities".
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RECOMMENDATION This work identified that there is little research in the area of diversity and equality especially with regards to recruitment, education and in Nigeria thus; academic research is needed to help address the dilemmas of equality and diversity. This is deemed compulsory if the effects and gap of inequality must be reduced to achieve the fundamental millennium goal of eradicating poverty in Nigeria. The government is therefore enjoined to pursue policies of equitable balance especially in the area of gender discrimination. HR experts and agencies could be engaged to recruit credible candidates based on their capabilities. This will help organizations to curb the factors of nepotism and favouritism in the workplace. There should be mandatory birth and death register; compulsory place of permanent residence register to be managed by an independent body or police authority. Residency must be evidenced in print copy to be handed to the person making the registration with the possibility of verifying its authenticity and time of issuance. All information should be stored in a databank subject to data protection law, which is accessible to all government agencies and institutions. Any change of place of residence must be registered within a week at the latest and failing which should make it a strict liability offence with fines high enough to ensure compliance. Adopting all these measures would lead to

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transparency and remove the lapses that could give room for the manipulation of federal character.

The Federal Military Government will need to also make a bold attempt to correct the unsavory educational rotational imbalance in the country, by taking the following steps in the entire system. 1. Retention of the present admission formula for the power rotational. 2. Establishment of Quota Implementation Committee. 4. Campaign to increase response to educational opportunities in areas. Any approach to solution should be seen in the context of promoting national unity and maintaining the standard of the Nigerian University degree. It should be based on two fundamental principles. The first is to increase the real opportunities and the eligibility of the students from the under privileged areas. The second is to remove as much as possible, all traces of tribalism and sectionalism in the Universities. There is no question at all that the eventual solution to the educational imbalance is to improve the number and standard of the primary and secondary schools in the deprived areas. There must also be a concerted campaign to improve motivation and enterprise in these areas as well aim at eradicating any entrenched social attitudes which militate against a
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spurt of education at lower levels. Here, the State Governments, Local Authorities and all the citizens have a tremendous role to play. They must have the funds to put into practice what they will be expected to preach. In Nigeria, it would be absurd to expect that merit should be main determining factor for seeking employment and admission in view of the paucity of available places. Rather, we ought to device a new formula of say for instance 60:40 for merit and state of origin as the only yardstick with similar mandate on state government to take account of all the ethnicities within its area of authority; since the constitution is salient on merit other than that, which promotes a sense of belonging, loyalty and national unity. Leaving federal character to two criteria only would bring about significant development such as: (a) ensures that only the best have assess to higher education since the government cannot provide adequate institutions and places; (b) The prevalent negative cultist culture in our institutions of higher learning would end, because our institutions would in turn have only those committed to serious academic work. (c) It would bring about new human development since a policy of preference based on mental capacity in any case enhances economic productivity.

If federal character means that every Nigerian ought to have equal opportunities and treatment irrespective of ethnicity or
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circumstances

of

his/her

birth

when

seeking

employment,

education, economic development and services. So, what is then responsible for the dichotomy between north and south if federal character, which ought to cement social cohesion as succinctly defined in the Constitution, has been unable to do the magic.

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