The Rule Of The People

THE RULE OF

THE PEOPLE

By

Christopher Read

BOOK THREE OF THE CONSPIRACY TRILOGY

THE RULE OF THE PEOPLE

Copyright © 2016 by Christopher Read

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the author. The only exception is by a reviewer, who may quote short excerpts in a review.

This book is a work of fiction. All the names, characters, other entities, places and incidents portrayed in this novel are either products of the author’s imagination or are used fictitiously. Any resemblance to real persons, living or dead, real-life entities, past or present, or actual incidents, is entirely coincidental.

1.1

The South China Sea

Map illustrating the various territorial claims, courtesy of www.southchinasea.org

Contents

Prologue – Thursday, November 10th

Chapter 1 – Friday, November 11th

Chapter 2 – Saturday, November 12th

Chapter 3 – Sunday, November 13th

Chapter 4 – Monday, November 14th

Chapter 5 – Tuesday, November 15th

Chapter 6 – Wednesday, November 16th

Chapter 7 – Thursday, November 17th

Chapter 8 – Friday, November 18th

Chapter 9 – Saturday, November 19th

Chapter 10 – Sunday, November 20th

Chapter 11- Monday, November 21st

Chapter 12 – Tuesday, November 22nd

Chapter 13 – Wednesday, November 23rd

Chapter 14 – Thursday, November 24th

Chapter 15 – Friday, November 25th

Chapter 16 – Saturday to Monday, November 26th to 28th

Map of the South China Sea

Prologue – Thursday, November 10th

Zhanjiang, China. – 16:36 Local Time; 08:36 UTC

Hypocrites, liars and opportunists: China’s near neighbours were finally showing their true nature, each prepared to do whatever was necessary to twist the truth in order to suit their own ends. It was a challenge China had neither asked for nor wanted, but if it was anticipated Beijing would shy away from the inevitable military confrontation then that would be a serious misjudgement and the Politburo was committed to defending its sovereign territory, whether that was an intractable region to the north or the island groups of the South China Sea.

Major-General Liang sat in the basement bunker of the Naval Command Centre, listening carefully as the Commander of China’s South Sea Fleet led a briefing on the latest military assessments, the Admiral’s combination of facts and suppositions producing a fairly unsatisfactory glimpse of what the immediate future might hold. An effective and experienced speaker, the Admiral’s outrage at those who condemned China was obvious to all, his fears rather more difficult to judge.

The greater part of the Admiral’s contempt was directed at the United States and the tactical display directly behind him revealed the U.S. Navy gathering its strength in the South China Sea with yet more vessels soon to arrive from Japan and Hawaii. Their intentions were unclear, the American Commander perhaps merely awaiting the order to attack and impatient for the White House to issue the command. The calming influence of diplomacy had definitely been abandoned for the time being and China’s Politburo seemed content to ride out the storm of accusations while preparing for the worst.

The financial cost of the accelerating crisis was already extreme, the Shanghai Composite Index down fourteen percent since Monday and the 2015/16 crash would be nothing compared to the turmoil a war – even a minor one – would bring. The Politburo had always managed to gloss over China’s many internal problems, a combination of sustained growth, increasing wealth and stability ensuring the silent majority had little cause to be anything other than compliant. Now that stability was under threat, the army likely to be needed to bolster the country’s internal security with every terrorist and dissident looking to take advantage.

China’s military command was led by the eleven men of the Central Military Commission (CMC), the President its chairman and Commander-in-Chief of China’s armed forces. General Liang’s position with the CMC’s Strategic Support Force meant he had a voice if not a vote at the recent crisis meetings and despite the posturing of the U.S. Navy, the Commission’s most immediate concern lay to the north, the Russian Bear finally unsheathing its claws. China’s north-west region of Xinjiang was already a hot-bed of dissent and nationalist tensions, thousands of Russian troops now poised to invade, their target Xinjiang’s oil and mineral wealth. A second Russian army was gathering strength to the north-east, between the cities of Khabarovsk and Vladivostok, ready to strike at China’s industrial base.

North, east and south: China’s enemies conspired together to subdue the dragon in their midst and Liang was well aware that it would be a struggle to defend the country from two or more separate threats. Yet Russia’s actions might still be nothing more than a diversion, the Kremlin perhaps content to wait whilst others – Vietnam or possibly even the Philippines – first tested China’s resolve. Vietnam’s mainly conscript army was certainly large enough to cause concern, as was its fleet of Russian-built attack submarines; to the south-east, the Philippines’ military forces might be relatively inconsequential but not so the two carrier strike groups from the United States.

Fear of China ran deep and how many more would be brave enough to throw in their lot with such an unstable and unwieldy coalition, its actions justified by nothing more than exaggeration and deceit? Intelligence suggested Australia might well be next, with South Korea and Taiwan – even Japan – nervously working out how best to respond while fearful that North Korea would then be forced into choosing China over Russia.

Like his naval counterpart, General Liang’s mood was also one of anger and frustration, his informal visit to Zhanjiang a way of ensuring the Admiral and his staff were fully committed to the difficult challenges ahead, whether real or simply exaggerated. The crisis had already seen scores killed and only the previous day Chinese and American fighters had traded missiles with four aircraft destroyed in a futile test of brinkmanship. Under different circumstances such over-enthusiasm could easily have merited a medal, maybe even a promotion; now each error of judgment merely pushed China closer to war.

Such acts were at least genuine mistakes, China accused of unprovoked attacks against two warships: one Vietnamese frigate sunk, the USS Milius damaged, no prior warnings given. The United States might have prevaricated in identifying those responsible, but others had been quick to blame both incidents on the Chinese submarine Taizong, the sonar evidence provided by the Americans and Vietnamese duly analysed and argued over, it all seeming to confirm their version of events. Yet the Taizong had been decommissioned earlier that year, the hull already broken up. Beijing had argued and ridiculed to no avail, and for many on the CMC it merely proved the existence of a US-led conspiracy with China the innocent victim, the collusion of China’s neighbours a truth that could no-longer be ignored. Russia too had been surprisingly quick to join the informal alliance against China, willing even to condone the shelling of its own people – anything to give Russia the excuse it needed to attack its neighbour.

Despite the turmoil of the past week, China’s political leaders still sensed an opportunity here, and control over three more of the Spratly Islands was considered a reasonable exchange for being a temporary outcast; it wasn’t just the strategic importance of the islands, the Politburo trusting that the natural resources hidden within the South China Sea would be a bounty worthy of some sacrifice. The political in-fighting which now consumed the United States, and to a lesser extent Russia as well, only served to encourage the long-term view, and many in the Politburo were fully prepared to dismiss the raw power of the U.S. Navy to urge that China should take what it could while America remained divided, its president unlikely to last out the day.

If there was to be a war, then it would be one where neither side could actually achieve a decisive victory, the nuclear threat one that could never be completely ignored. The CMC’s strategy was thus based on the assumption China could simply wear its enemies down, superiority in numbers ensuring that any Russian or Vietnamese land assault would soon falter; the key struggle would then move three thousand kilometres south of Beijing to the waters surrounding the Paracel and Spratly Islands. There might perhaps not be a single explosive battle, it more likely a conflict of cut and thrust, a tit-for-tat series of clashes with everyone wary of it escalating out of control. The U.S. carrier strike group led by the Gerald R Ford would soon be joined in the South China Sea by the Ronald Reagan, either of the American carriers more than a match for their lone Chinese counterpart, the Liaoning. Beijing’s second and newest carrier remained in port, recent sea trials revealing an unhappy set of problems; yet China’s navy still had plenty of other cards to play, the submarine and missile threats potentially able to overwhelm a strike group’s defences.

Or at least that was the theory, a range of differing scenarios due to be analysed in more depth at the end of the briefing, the Admiral and his senior staff well aware that they would be held responsible for any serious mistakes or misunderstandings, with only one outcome likely from the subsequent court-martial.

Liang might be the CMC’s representative but he had a very different opinion as to the relative dangers facing his country. He had no naïve belief that China could cope for more than a few weeks with a war on two fronts, and their only hope would be to neutralise either Russia or the United States, and quickly; the CMC clearly underestimated the determination of those arrayed against China, its members persuaded into believing that America was soft and Russia corrupt.

Lulled into a false sense of security by the forces at its disposal, the ruling Politburo was impatient to show the world the true worth of Asia’s sole superpower. In another ten or twenty years the politicians’ arrogance might well be justified, but for now it was merely an idle boast, the consequences for China and its people likely to be nothing less than a disaster.

Chapter 1 – Friday, November 11th

Washington, D.C. – 12:02 Local Time; 17:02 UTC

Anderson sat in the Smithsonian’s Moongate Garden, enjoying the peace and tranquillity, needing somewhere well away from the FBI’s mobile command centre to relax and reflect on why he was not already on a flight home to the UK. There was also the vague hope that the symbolism of the garden’s circles and squares would work some form of healing magic on his body, Anderson wincing with just the thought of eventually having to stand up.

It wouldn’t have been so bad if the bruises and scrapes had actually been as the result of something worthwhile, but true to form Pat McDowell had been unwilling to oblige. The FBI was still no nearer making an arrest, resources having to be diverted to deal with the aftermath of McDowell’s earlier actions and several parts of the National Mall remained cordoned off. Flowers and messages of condolence surrounded each bloodied scene, people standing in respectful silence while trying to make sense of what had happened just forty-eight hours earlier. Nine had died that day, the Mall the setting for a chaotic scramble to escape as without warning violence had flared. Two agents had also been killed, yet many observers were still keen to condemn the Secret Service and FBI for starting it all, the media over-analysing each new image in order to apportion blame. Anderson’s prominent role in the resulting melee was now part of a Department of Justice investigation, his every action subject to minute scrutiny.

Could he have really done more to prevent it? It was becoming a pointless exercise in self-doubt, others just as guilty as Anderson of mistakes or simple misjudgements, the animosity between the FBI and the D.C. Police revealed for all to see. With the Capitol Building virtually under siege and a beleaguered president struggling to tell friend from foe, the end result had seemed almost inevitable. Now America had a new and untested occupant of the Oval Office, Bob Deangelo’s whirlwind rise to power seeing him take a new oath of allegiance twice in less than twenty-four hours – first as Vice-President, then as President. The legal and constitutional experts were still arguing as to the validity of the accelerated process, with Congress apparently regretting its own impetuosity; yet many in America had demanded someone more dynamic in the White House, a person able and willing to lead the fight-back against Chinese aggression.

Anderson’s brief time in America had so far proved fairly contentious, his status seemingly varying from day to day: tourist, fugitive, FBI consultant – even Anderson found it hard to keep up. Although The Washington Post was keen to maintain contact, he was still theoretically at the Bureau’s beck and call, Anderson working hard to convince them that he really had paid his dues; he certainly couldn’t just get on a plane and head back to Heathrow, his passport, phone and laptop still being held somewhere inside the FBI’s Hoover Building.

For the moment such restrictions were merely an irritation, the conflict between his present commitments and his personal life rather more of a problem. Charlotte’s patience had already been stretched to the limit and she was starting to sense that Anderson was quite happy with his enforced stay in the U.S. Although he hadn’t admitted as much, to return home while the crisis in Washington remained unresolved would be idiotic; some unexpected political twist was being revealed every few days and the new man in the White House had set himself a tough agenda, perhaps even an impossible one.

The rapid demise of President Will Cavanagh had in turn led to a rash of conspiracy theories, some cleverly throwing Pat McDowell into the mix, a few assuming that Bob Deangelo was involved to some extent. The official news media were rather more generous, recognising that Bob Deangelo’s confirmation as President was an inevitable consequence of Cavanagh’s increasing isolation, the key moment when ex-Secretary of State Dick Thorn had broken ranks to show his contempt for Cavanagh.

From the FBI’s perspective, there were just too many unanswered questions to be certain who was involved and to what degree. McDowell and his sophisticated operation wouldn’t have come cheap, no expense seemingly spared; yet every new financial lead had quickly stalled as it came up against another dummy corporation or some foreign-based ghost company. Whilst a handful of McDowell’s accomplices had been arrested, several of the main players remained unknown, prime amongst them McDowell’s likely contact within the FBI. It was a problem that had dogged the investigation from the start, McDowell able to stay one step ahead and maintain the pressure on Cavanagh’s Administration.

Spying on the new President and his close associates might not be the wisest of options, even for the FBI, and that one crucial image or recording that would tie everything together now seemed likely to be buried forever. At the very least, the FBI’s Washington investigation would be reined in, its focus directed well away from the President and his inner circle – if the latter eventually turned out to include Dick Thorn then the conspiracy theorists could rightfully lick their lips in anticipation.

It wasn’t in Anderson’s nature to leave such mysteries for others to solve but by himself his resources were severely limited, and his relationship with the FBI was one based on mutual interest, Anderson very aware of the penalty should he ever abuse his special status. The Bureau still seemed unsure how best to make use of his slightly unpredictable skills, yet nor were they willing to let him go it alone: he was after all the supposed expert on Pat McDowell, a reputation based more on an unfortunate predilection for being in the wrong place at the wrong time than any true understanding of the American’s convoluted thought processes.

* * *

Paul Jensen waited in the outer office impatient to get the meeting over and done with. He was feeling more bitter than he had expected, unhappy at it being the first time in his career he would suffer the ignominy of being fired, angry also that it would be the U.S. President doing the firing.

Jensen had spent the morning at Arlington National Cemetery, one of several Cabinet members attending the Veteran’s Day ceremony. The Deputy Defence Secretary had been primed to lay the wreath on behalf of the President but Bob Deangelo would have none of it, Arlington becoming his first official duty. It wouldn’t have been that unusual for a president to miss the ceremony, but it was the only time the organisers had spent the early hours of the morning making sure everyone actually knew the name of their nation’s leader.

Bob Deangelo’s speech afterwards has been suitably presidential, focusing on past sacrifices and future concerns, America committed to standing by those who had given so much to protect their country. The problem of the South China Sea was only briefly mentioned, the President hinting that the nation might again be touched by loss. It was a good speech, not overly sombre, with a suitable element of praise for the armed forces, yet illustrating Deangelo was well aware of the pain and hurt associated with even a single death in the service of one’s country.

It had been a competent start to his first full day in Office and Deangelo was no doubt keen to cement his authority, ridding the Administration of anyone who might not be totally loyal. Jensen was definitely in that category and still struggling to work out whether Deangelo had been involved in his predecessor’s demise by accident or design.

Jensen’s musings were interrupted by the buzz of the office phone, the secretary’s polite smile giving nothing away as she directed Jensen to go straight in. A deep breath to steady his nerves and Jensen strode across the threshold into the Oval Office, running through in his mind exactly how to react and what to say when told he no longer had a job; polite restraint and a few curt words of acceptance had been his favoured option, such stoicism now seeming totally inadequate.

Paul, I appreciate you coming over so promptly; forgive the chaos, it’s going to a while before I get everything as I’d like it. The President’s warm smile and proffered hand were not at all what Jensen had expected and he almost froze in surprise, struggling to mutter a suitable response. Deangelo’s handshake was firm but thankfully brief, the President waving him to a seat close to the fireplace.

It’s a difficult time for us all, continued Deangelo, seating himself opposite Jensen, and I’m afraid that the worst is far from over. China seems determined to grab what it can in the South China Sea and their bargaining power increases with every acquisition. Russia has its own agenda and we would be foolish to regard them as allies. He gave a resigned shake of his head, Diplomacy must be allowed to run its course but the signs are hardly encouraging; if we reach the New Year without going to war, it will be a miracle.

Jensen nodded politely, not knowing what to say, unsure whether China was to be excuse with the President about to fill his Cabinet with a hard-line clique committed to war. He and Deangelo had worked together for almost two years, more often allies in Cabinet meetings than adversaries, but he barely knew the man behind the professional mask. A respected and able colleague, certainly, yet not someone seemingly destined for the Oval Office.

Deangelo gave a rueful smile, sensing perhaps that he had revealed too much of his personal concerns. Under the circumstances, I believe it is time for a more bipartisan and unified approach; however, wholesale changes to the Cabinet would be a mistake as well as being totally unnecessary. Your sensitive handling of the internal crisis has been commendable, Paul, and I am keen for you to continue as Secretary of Homeland Security. The political turmoil of the past few weeks cannot be ignored and if Pat McDowell is indeed part of a widespread conspiracy against this Office or Congress, then we need to identify those involved, whoever they are. His gaze held Jensen’s, Whoever’s involved, Paul; however high up this goes, we need answers and quickly. And I truly believe you’re the one person I can trust to do that.

Jensen was still on the back foot, shocked at being praised rather than fired, unsure how exactly to respond. He had come in prepared to be defiant and assertive; now he found himself staring open-mouthed with nothing coherent to say. He was also being offered an opportunity to prove the President’s guilt or innocence, one way or the other – what more could anyone want?

The President looked at Jensen quizzically, still awaiting an answer. Sleep on it, Paul, if you wish. The new Administration’s only immediate and obvious policy change will be to do with foreign policy, specifically our stance towards the twin problems of Russia and China; that too is an area where I am keen for you to contribute, Paul.

Jensen finally found his voice, I’m delighted to accept your offer, Mr President, he said, forcing a smile. I always hate to leave a job half-done and we have only skimmed the surface of McDowell’s actions.

Deangelo acknowledged Jensen’s acceptance with a brief nod, It’s obvious that pressure from Dick Thorn helped bring down President Cavanagh but that’s a long way from proving he and Pat McDowell were working together, and I won’t condemn him for sticking to his principles. The President paused, a hint of a smile touching his lips, Would I be correct in assuming your Kremlin theory is still just that?

Jensen forced himself to hold the President’s gaze, not wanting to imply anything by looking away. If Deangelo really was part of some conspiracy, should Jensen be careful what he said? Or should he simply ignore his reservations? In his previous role as Secretary of Defence, Deangelo had been briefed as to Jensen’s suspicions, the evidence – albeit mostly circumstantial – duly noted, his conclusions always regarded as speculative.

Of the various credible scenarios, said Jensen carefully, "the Kremlin connection seems the most convincing and it fits the facts as we know them. Until we can conclusively identify the submarine that sank the USS Milius, there will always be an element of doubt; most likely, this strategy of misdirection was planned months ago, Russia keen to ensure that we join them in a limited war against China. As you yourself said, Mr President, the Kremlin has grown increasingly concerned by Beijing’s claims on Siberia and Russia’s Far East; we can also throw in the threat to Mongolia and Kazakhstan’s oil reserves."

To Jensen, it was no longer simply speculation, the Kremlin clearly skewing the evidence to push the U.S. and China into a war neither country wanted. President Cavanagh had been publicly committed to a foreign policy based on diplomacy and conciliation, and it had needed McDowell to erode the President’s authority and so allow the hawks like Dick Thorn to be heard. The momentum for war was gathering pace, with virtually every news programme and media outlet supporting commensurate military action in response to the deaths aboard the USS Milius. Deangelo had publicly promised that America ‘would not ignore the pleas of our loyal allies’: that had been taken to mean the Philippines, possibly also Vietnam, and with every speech and press release the new Administration was rapidly backing itself into a corner.

Deangelo easily picked-up on Jensen’s change of emphasis from theory to fact. Sadly, it’s a trap Beijing has willingly accepted, he said sourly, and I doubt either of us will now be able escape unscathed. The Kremlin has played us every step of the way, President Golubeva generously handing us a war that many in our military considered inevitable; for the moment at least, it seems Russia and the United States have become uncomfortable, if not entirely inconvenient, allies. Deangelo’s options remained exactly the same as those that had so frustrated his predecessor: even if China was truly the innocent party, was it realistic – or even advisable – not to side with Russia.

Abruptly Deangelo redirected the conversation closer to home, Dick Thorn – is there anything specific to suggest he’s actually involved with McDowell? Something definite, Paul; I can’t make key decisions based on innuendo or conjecture.

Jensen shook his head, sensing that Deangelo was asking not just about Thorn. There’s no evidence that Thorn or any of his close associates are working with McDowell or even some Kremlin contact.

Deangelo still wanted something more, And your gut feeling, Paul?

Jensen felt himself squirming under the President’s gaze, pressured into giving a bad answer. I just don’t know, Mr President; we need at least another couple of months to be sure.

As do we all, said Deangelo wryly. Unfortunately, some in Congress are keen to question this Administration’s legitimacy and any hint we are taking the rumours of a political conspiracy seriously could well be disastrous. Forgive me for stating the obvious, Paul, but it’s crucial the investigation is suitably discreet, with intelligence shared purely on a need-to-know basis. I know the Attorney General is keen to be supportive and I would ask that you keep her appraised as to progress, especially in terms of the search for McDowell.

Jensen well understood the President’s concerns and the joint agency task force had struggled to determine the full extent of the conspiracy. Although led by the DHS (Department of Homeland Security), the FBI was the major agency involved, and if they were to make progress then the identification of McDowell’s source within the Bureau remained key, Jensen with no official authority over the FBI, that falling to the Attorney General.

For reasons that will soon become clear, continued Deangelo, I must insist that you wrap up the inquiry into Dick Thorn by the end of the month. I can’t have it dragging on indefinitely and we must accept that it may well be necessary to give certain people the benefit of any doubt.

Deangelo paused and gave a wry shake of his head, I’m not trying to tell you your job, Paul, but I do need to emphasise the delicacy of what I am asking you to do. Such constraints are unfortunate and I trust you’ll be able to work within them?

Of course, Mr President, affirmed Jensen with a nod. Being discreet was the norm but not the three-week timetable; limited resources, at least one traitor in their midst, and an impossibly tight schedule – it was a challenge Jensen could easily live to regret.

Their conversation moved on to the latest intelligence from South-East Asia. Despite Jensen’s title simply referencing Homeland Security, the President seemed to assume that he would continue to act as the lead member of the U.S. Intelligence Community, responsible for both domestic and foreign intelligence issues. At home, the Administration’s main concern was the need to restore public confidence in their leaders, the recent anti-Government protests and extreme voter apathy worrying signs as to future stability. Members of Congress might have grown used to negative publicity but the trend was close to becoming irreversible, the demands for change impossible to ignore. Washington itself was relatively quiet, with just a few thousand demonstrators camped out in the National Mall, the police and FBI leaving them well alone for the time being. Past experience had shown that their numbers could increase tenfold within just a few hours, the campaigners and their mainly right-wing agitators making full and effective use of social media.

The President’s wide-ranging questions continued, Deangelo for some unknown reason seeming as keen to waste time as pick Jensen’s brain, their conversation finally interrupted by the buzz of the phone. The President gestured at Jensen to remain where he was before answering the call, a few words all that were needed.

The outer door immediately opened and a tall figure entered, Dick Thorn seemingly not put out by the presence of Jensen seated beside the fireplace.

Dick, delighted you could join us. The President stepped forward and shook Thorn warmly by the hand. Jensen stood up and made to leave, but he was waved back to his seat by Deangelo.

The three of them sat down, Thorn and Jensen side by side, the latter attempting to look more at ease than he felt as he angled his chair slightly. It was barely three days since Jensen and Deangelo – as part of the previous Administration – had mulled over the wisdom of arresting Thorn; now he was welcomed into the Oval Office and treated more like an ally than a one-time adversary.

Apart from the jacket of his suit looking a little tight around the left arm, there was little to suggest Thorn had been one of the many victims of two days earlier, a bullet grazing his skin just above the elbow. The young woman he had been talking to moments earlier had been killed, the sight of a bloodied and shocked Thorn kneeling beside her body one of many enduring images from that day.

The pleasantries were duly observed, Jensen following the President’s lead with an update on the shootings in the National Mall. The day’s events were still mired in controversy and the initial Department of Justice report had highlighted the problem of conflicting witness statements, the FBI not yet exonerated of any wrongdoing.

China is continuing to move reinforcements to the border, said the President, moving the conversation forward and apparently keen to seek Thorn’s opinion, but no sign yet of a Russian attack. Do you think Irina Golubeva is seriously considering an all-out war?

Not unless we help out, Mr President, replied Thorn, his tone flat but not unfriendly. Russia needs us to keep China occupied in the south, otherwise they’ll soon get bogged down, and China can soak up far more losses than Russia. Thorn’s voice abruptly hardened, I trust that you will be true, Mr President, to the promise made on the steps of the Capitol.

The reminder is duly noted, Deangelo said, seemingly not irritated by the implied rebuke. And that is why I asked you here, Dick; in the hope that together we can put aside the mistakes of the past and provide the right level of support to our allies in South-East Asia.

"I am