The Travelers' Charleston: Accounts of Charleston and Lowcountry, South Carolina, 1666-1861

JOSEPH WOORY (1666)

Discovery

Lt. Joseph Woory (d. 1692) was a crew member of Captain Robert Sandford’s 1666 expedition to explore Carolina. Sandford wrote: I was accompanied by Capt. George Cary, Lt. Samuel Harvy, Lt Joseph Woory, Ens. Henry Brayne, Ens. Richard Abrahall and Mr. Tho. Giles, and several other inhabitants of the county of Clarendon to the number of 17 besides myself (and the ships company, which alas were but two men and a boy).

Woory was the nephew of Englishman Sir John Yeamans (1605–1676), chief among the Barbadian planters and businessmen who had hoped to found a Carolina colony. Yeamans had been instrumental in the founding of the Cape Fear settlement; his nephew Woory had participated in that venture as well.

Sandford and his crew sailed along the coast and explored the area from Cape Romano (Cape Fear) down to Port Royal (Beaufort) in twenty-six days, during which they landed at St. Helena, Kiawah, and Edisto Island, anchored off Hilton Head, and visited Indian villages. On June 23, Sandford took formal possession of Carolina for England and the lords proprietors. Sandford documented his experience on the venture, as did Joseph Woory.

Sometime after the 1666 expedition, Woory emigrated from Barbados to Isle of Wight County, Virginia, where he was a merchant and represented John Yeamans’s interests in Virginia trade. Woory was sheriff and justice of the peace for Isle of Wight. A Quaker, he married Elizabeth Godwin, daughter of Colonel Thomas and Elizabeth Godwin, a well-established Quaker family in Nansemond County, Virginia. At his death in Isle of Wight County in 1692, he owned a sizable estate and eight slaves.

The Joseph Woory account is believed to have originated from the papers of Sir Edmund Andros (1637–1714). It was owned by various collectors before being acquired in 1994 by the William L. Clements Library at the University of Michigan.

SOURCES

Brayton, John Anderson, ed. Colonial Families of Surry and Isle of Wight Counties, Virginia. Vol. 8. Memphis: J. A. Brayton, 1999.

———, ed. Isle of Wight County, Virginia Will and Deed Book 2, 1666–1719. Memphis: J. A. Brayton, 2004.

Historical and Genealogical Notes and Queries. Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 15, no. 3 (1908): 321.

King, Helen Haverty. Historical Notes on Isle of Wight County. Isle of Wight, VA: Isle of Wight County Board of Supervisors, 1993.

Worrall, Jay. The Friendly Virginians: America’s First Quakers. Athens, GA: Iberian Publishing Co., 1994.

DISCOVERY

Saturday June 1666—We set sail on the ship Rebecca and with the shallop Speedwell from the mouth of the Charles River and Sunday the 17th in the afternoon we [discovered] a large opening against which we came to an anchor and sent the shallop* in to sound the channel, but she could not get in by reason of creeks and shoals yt lay out. That evening, the wind blowing fresh from sea, we weighed and stood of. On Tuesday the 19th we lost the shallop by foul weather.† Thursday the 21st after noon we [discovered] a very fair opening and stood of that night ’til Friday the 22nd at which time we stood in &c. Sounding as we went in [but] had not in the narrowest place then 2-fathom and then 3, 4, 5, 7, 8-fathom water. We ran up with our ship about five miles from the river’s mouth. On both sides the river is a great store of oyster banks and good creeks that run to the main and about an hour after we came to an anchor two Indians came aboard us who told us we were in the River Grandee‡ and that that country was called Edisto. Presently after there came several other Indians with venison, corn bread, fish amongst whom was two of those Indians that were at Barbados.§

Saturday the 23rd* some of us went on shore to get fresh water but could find none near the river side, but the Indians taking our casks carried them about half a mile into the woods to a large pond where was water enough. The land is generally very choice, and good. The mold is mellow and black and about a foot deep under a red marly sand. It bears large oaks, walnut and few pines unless spruce pines. The woods afford very good pasture for cattle being richly laden with English grass; for fowl and fish it affords like that of Charles River, there is turtle in abundance. The same afternoon we went a mile eastward from our ship and landed on a dry marsh where we found an Indian path which we kept, and it led us through many fields of corn ready to gather, also other corn, peas and beans which had been later planted there and was not so forward as the rest. They keep their ground very clean. We also found many peach trees with fruit thereon near ripe. After that we crossed a large creek and marched three miles into the country upon an island and did not see an inch of bad land but all choice and good timber trees growing thereon, as oak, walnut, chestnut, maple, ash, elder and many other good trees.

Sunday the 24th we went up with our boat about 4 miles from our ship, and then the river divides itself into branches, one of which we went up 8 or 9 miles and then landed upon very good land and saw abundance of very good and large timber trees. The worst land we saw that day was spruce pine swamps and that better then the oak land at Cape Fear for it is plantable and black mold free from sand & dry. Monday the 25th there came aboard one of the Indians that was at Barbados† and was very desirous that some of us might go to see their town so Lieutenant Colonel Sandford commanded four of us to go with them which we did. It lies about 5 miles from the river.‡ All the way as we traveled we saw very good oak land and large pleasant meadows as good as England can afford. When we came to their town, they kindly entertained us and were very desirous to have us stay with them that night which we did, and on Tuesday the 26th some of them returned with us to our ship. There is turtle in such abundance that small vessels might make good profit by going thither.

Wednesday the 27th some Indians told us that we might go with our vessel to the River Jordan* through land. One of them promised to go with us. The same day we weighed and sailed according to the directions of the Indian up a branch of the river and by reason of contrary winds we [shoaled] in some parts of the passage. It was Sunday July 1st before we got into the other river, which we thought had been Jordan. We stayed not there but went through to sea and about 3 hours after the wind shifted and having a lee shore under us, thought it best to get in again to the river which we did and anchored within the river’s mouth. After which we went on shore upon a point that runs out into the sea where we saw one of the Indians that was at Barbados who told us that the river we were in, and which we called Jordan, was not so named, and that Hilton had never been there, so that we supposed that the passage we came through from the River Grandee to this river’s mouth makes Edisto an island. Monday July the 2nd in the morning we weighed with the tide of ebb intending to see Port Royal. But it being calm the tide set us almost upon a point of creeks that lies to the eastward of the river’s mouth. We lay in so that we were forced to come to an anchor and had but 5-foot water. We [struck] 7 or 8 times, and was in great danger of being lost but carrying anchors out we saved our vessel without harm. We rode ’til the ebb was done and then weighed and stood into a large opening—which we supposed to be Port Royal at which time we [discovered] the shallop as we thought coming to us, but contrary winds would neither permit her to come to us nor we to stand any longer in, therefore were forced to lie by ’til Wednesday July the 3rd in the morning when we [discovered] land again, and found out [to] be to the northward of Port Royal and no wind stirring. We came to an anchor about a league from the shore an hour or two after we weighed and stood to the southward with a fresh gale and [discovered] a large opening unto which we made and found a good large channel in the shallowest part not less than 3 fathom and the 5, 6, 7, 8 & more. It was midnight before we got into the river’s mouth and then came to anchor about 3 leagues from the river’s mouth in 8-fathom water.†

Wednesday July the 4th we went with our ship higher up, and the same depth of water from side to side. We went on shore up a small creek to the Indian town, where the Indians received us very gladly in that place. We saw many fields of corn, peas & beans, peach trees with fruit thereon; grapes, figs but not ripe, water melons, musk melons, squashes, pumpkins & other fruit. The Indians seemed very willing to have us settle amongst them. The land is generally such as Edisto and no whit worse. Whilst we were ashore the shallop arrived in Port Royal River who informed us that she had been in the River Jordan where they saw very good land and large timber. The same day we took the shallop and ran up the river about 30 miles and then the river divides itself into several branches and small creeks into one of the branches we went up about 3 miles and traveled into the country, and found the land very good, and many good timber trees growing thereon. In that march we found a pleasant running spring. We lay in that place all night and Thursday July the 5th early in the ebb we returned downward, and went on shore in several places of the river, where we found the land as in other places. The river is of so good a depth, and the channel so large that ships of 500 tons may go up to the division. About 1 o’clock we returned to our ship and found that Indians had been there with great store of fish. The Indians call the whole country St. Helena. We suppose the Spaniards usually come amongst them, because where they live is a large wooden cross erected, which they say the Spaniards had put there;* the same day we ran the shallop to the west side of the river where goes in a large creek which we ran up about 7 miles, and then came to a sound which hath a passage into the sea.† We went on shore that evening upon an island and found the land very good and laden with large trees, walnut, white oak & live oak, palm trees. That night we lay in the sound. Friday July the 6th we fell about a league lower with the shallop and went on shore of the other side the sound upon a large pleasant island which runs 4 or five miles before it comes to the sea. It was well stored with deer. The land thereon we found to be a black color with a small mixture of sand & that is where the pines grow but in another part of the island the land is far better than the former and laden with large timber trees. In that sound are many creeks which run up to the main land. That night we returned to our vessel and Mr. Brayne informing us that he had been with his shallop in the River Jordan, and came to Port Royal through land. We fell down with our ship to the mouth of the passage intending to go that way, but fearing we might meet with the like inconveniences, as we did from the River Grandee, and the shallop having been there already and given us good satisfaction as to the goodness of the land in Jordan thought it more convenient to take in wood and water at St. Helena, and so to see Kiawah on our way home.

Saturday July the 7th we took in wood and water, and the same evening one of the principal Indians of Port Royal came on board and made signs that he would go with us, upon which Lieut. Colonel Sandford thought it fit to leave one of our men in his room to learn the Indian tongue. Sunday the 8th of July we carried one of our company by name Henry Woodward on shore to the Indian town, and informed their king that we would leave the said Woodward with him and take the Indian in his place, at which he seemed very joyful and promised to use him very friendly showing his great desire of having the English to settle there.* We left the said Woodward with him at St. Helena taking the Indian in his place with another that came with us from Edisto, with as great a desire to go with us.

The same evening we set sail from Port Royal river and Wednesday the 10th we [discovered] an opening which we supposed to be Kiawah but an Indian of that place which we took in at Edisto told us that it was not the river but that it lay farther eastward, and about two hours after the Indian having been asleep and looking about him told us that the river we had seen before was Kiawah but the wind then would not permit us to go thither. A little after we saw another small opening at the mouth of which we saw great fires. The Kiawah Indian desired to be put on shore there, then making signs for the shallop to come up with us ordered her to put him on shore. And having been absent about two hours, she returned saying she could not come near the land nor opening for shoals and breakers, so that we took the advantage of the wind to sail homeward. Wednesday the 11th we stood in & made Charles River into which we stood, and about 5 o’clock that evening arrived before Charles towne with the shallop with all our men well and lusty only 4 of which had been sick of the fever & ague, at their first going to sea. What I have here written is no more than I have seen and I am sure the truth. I have not in the least been guided with falsehood but have rather writ the worst than the best, and those that travel into any of these parts, will I am confident say that they find things rather better than worse for ’twas my great care to observe the ground, timber trees, rivers &c and I am sure it may be settled at less charge than Cape Fear was; and a far greater benefit may accrue to those that settles it. And indeed it is a great pity, that such brave places should lie unpeopled and [an] abundance of our nation want land.

Discovery from A Discovery of the Coasts Rivers Sounds and Creeks of that Part of the Province between Cape Romano and Port Royal vizt, by Joseph Woory. Woory Manuscript, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan Manuscripts Division.

*A shallop, a small open boat used in shallow water, had two masts and a lugsail yet could be rowed with oars.

†Sandford had placed Ensign Henry Brayne in charge of the shallop. The night was cloudy and dark, and Brayne in the shallop parted company with Sandford’s vessel.

‡North Edisto River.

§From an earlier (1663) Carolina expedition, Capt. William Hilton took two Indians, Shadow and Alush, back to Barbados. Shadow was a Kiawah chief, and Alush was a chief of Edisto. They were later returned to the region.

*While Woory was ashore on Saturday June 23, Sandford ventured into Bohicket Creek and wrote: Being gone about a mile up I landed and, according to my instructions, in presence of my company took a formal possession by turf and twig of that whole country from the Lat. of 36 deg. north to 29 d. South and west to the South Seas by the name of the Province of Carolina (Sandford, A Relation of a Voyage, 88).

†Sandford describes this Indian as a Capt. of the Nation named Shadoo (A Relation of a Voyage, 93).

‡Edisto Island.

*Combahee River.

†They ran upon the shoals and nearly lost the vessel in St. Helena Sound. They sailed around St. Helena Island and anchored off Hilton Head, which Sandford named Woory Island in honor of his crewman. They then steered between Hilton Head and Port Royal and came to anchor in the Port Royal River.

*Both Hilton and Sandford noted that in front of a large council house at St. Ellens they saw a large wooden cross, a sign of prior Spanish presence in the region. The town was burned by Indians in 1667. Spaniards landed at Port Royal as early as 1520 and named the cape Santa Elena. In the mid-1600s another village was established nearby. The vicinity is Parris Island (Kovacik and Rowland, Images of Port Royal, 331–33).

†Calibogue Sound.

*Henry Woodward (d. 1686), the twenty-year-old ship’s surgeon, remained to learn the Indian language and culture, and the Indian’s young nephew was taken in exchange. Sandford gave Woodward formal possession of the country to hold for the lords proprietors. Woodward was later an agent for Lord Shaftesbury in setting up an Indian trade for the lords proprietors.

"Portrait of a man reputed to be John Lawson holding a book entitled John Lawson." Courtesy of Joyner Library Special Collections, East Carolina University, Greenville, NC.

JOHN LAWSON (EARLY 1700s)

Charles Towne and Travel Among the Indians

John Lawson (1674–1711), explorer, surveyor, naturalist, and author of A New Voyage to Carolina, was a native of Yorkshire, England, the son of Dr. John Lawson and his wife, Isabella Love. The family owned estates in the vicinity of Kingston-on-Hull, Yorkshire, where it is likely young Lawson first attended Anglican schools, followed by lectures at Gresham College near the family’s London residence. At Gresham an endowment supported the teaching of astronomy, geometry, physics, law, divinity, and other subjects, while the natural sciences, mathematics, inventions, travel, and discoveries were subjects of special interest. It was also the usual meeting place of the Royal Society, and Lawson apparently yearned to accomplish something so notable that he would be chosen for membership.

He wrote in his preface to A New Voyage to Carolina: "In the Year 1700, when People flock’d from all Parts of the Christian world, to see the Solemnity of the Grand Jubilee at Rome, my Intention at that Times, being to travel, I accidentally met with a Gentleman, who had been Abroad and was very well acquainted with the Ways of Living in both Indies; of whom, having made Enquiry concerning them, he assur’d me, that Carolina was the best Country I could go to; and, that there then lay a Ship in Thames, in which I might have my passage. Although he did not name his informant, there is evidence that it was either Christopher Gale, a native of Yorkshire and an official in the northern part of Carolina, or James Moore from Charles Town, then in London seeking the governorship. Moore, already a friend of Lawson, owned the ship on which he sailed from England. When, three months later, they arrived in Britain’s colony in the New World," Moore, as Lawson’s host, introduced him to the area.

Lawson was commissioned by colonial authorities to lead a small expedition from Charles Town into the interior. He arrived in the colony on August 15, 1700, and remained until December 28, 1700. Then, traveling first in a cypress dugout canoe and then on foot, he ventured into the unchartered Carolina wilderness, accompanied by his spaniel, five unnamed Englishmen, and four Indians. They headed north to the mouth of the Santee River, where they encountered the last of the Indian tribes living in the interior. Lawson took vigilant note of the region’s vegetation, wildlife, and the Indian tribes. He later wrote: We took his earthly paradise and butchered it. He visited the early French Huguenot settlements on a section of the French Santee. From there, Lawson and company headed off toward the Congarees and to the High Hills of Santee, traveling into rivers, swamps, and over Indian paths. He ended his six hundred-mile journey near the Pamlico River in what was later designated North Carolina.

In February of 1701, Lawson settled on the Pamlico River and made his living as a land surveyor. There he met a companion, Hannah Smith, who bore him children. Near the fork of the Trent and Neuse rivers, he built a cabin on a creek. In 1705, he bought a plantation in Pamlico and laid out the settlement of Bath, the first town of North Carolina. He built a house for Hannah and their offspring, and from there he took long forays into the wilderness to collect natural specimens to send back to England. In 1705 he was appointed deputy surveyor of Carolina by the lords proprietors. In 1708 he became surveyor-general of the colony.

In October of 1709, Lawson returned to England to find a publisher for the journal of his journey. It was initially published in serial form, but the first issue proved so popular that the publisher combined installments under one title, A New Voyage to Carolina, with Lawson’s added sections. It was widely read in Europe and various editions and translations (also retitled The History of Carolina) appeared between 1709 and 1722.

Early in April of 1710, Lawson returned to North Carolina, with several hundred Palatines, and laid out the town of New Bern. In September 1711, he was tortured and slain by Tuscarora Indians on the Neuse River.

SOURCES

Holloman, Charles R. John Lawson, 1674–1711. In Dictionary of North Carolina Biography ed. William S. Powell. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979–96.

Savage, Henry, Jr. Lost Heritage. New York: William Morrow & Co., 1970.

CHARLES TOWNE

After a fortnight’s stay here, we put out from Sandyhook, and in 4 days after, arriv’d at Charles-Town, the metropolis of South Carolina, which is situate in 32, 45 north latitude, and admits of large ships to come over their bar up to the town, where is a very commodious harbor, about five miles distant from the inlet, and stands on a point very convenient for trade, being seated between two pleasant and navigable rivers. The town has very regular and fair streets, in which are good buildings of brick and wood, and since my coming thence, has had great additions of beautiful, large brick-buildings, besides a strong fort, and regular fortifications made to defend the town. The inhabitants, by their wise management and industry, have much improv’d the country, which is in as thriving circumstances at this time, as any colony on the continent of English America, and is of more advantage to the Crown of Great Britain, than any of the other more northerly plantations, (Virginia and Maryland excepted). This colony was at first planted by a genteel sort of people, that were well acquainted with trade, and had either money or parts, to make good use of the advantages that offer’d, as most of them have done, by raising themselves to great estates, and considerable places of trust, and posts of honor, in this thriving settlement. Since the first planters, abundance of French and others have gone over, and rais’d themselves to considerable fortunes. They are very neat and exact in packing and shipping of their commodities; which method has got them so great a character abroad, that they generally come to a good market with their commodities; when oftentimes the product of other plantations, are forc’d to be sold at lower prizes. They have a considerable trade both to Europe, and the West Indies, whereby they become rich, and are supply’d with all things necessary for trade, and genteel living, which several other places fall short of. Their cohabiting in a town, has drawn to them ingenious people of most sciences, whereby they have tutors amongst them that educate their youth a-la-mode.

Their roads, with great industry, are made very good and pleasant. Near the town is built a fair parsonage-house, with necessary offices, and the minister has a very considerable allowance from his parish. There is likewise a French Church in town,* of the reform’d religion, and several meeting-houses for dissenting congregations, who all enjoy at this day an entire liberty of their worship; the constitution of this government, allowing all parties of well-meaning Christians to enjoy a free toleration, and possess the same privileges, so long as they appear to behave themselves peaceably and well: It being the Lords Proprietors intent, that the inhabitants of Carolina should be as free from oppression, as any in the universe; which doubtless they will, if their own differences amongst themselves do not occasion the contrary.

They have a well-disciplin’d militia; their horses are most gentlemen[ly], and well mounted, and the best in America, and may equalize any in other parts: Their officers, both Infantry and Cavalry, generally appear in scarlet mountings, and as rich as in most regiments belonging to the Crown, which shows the richness and grandeur of this colony. They are a frontier, and prove such troublesome neighbors to the Spaniards, that they have once laid their town of St. Augustine in ashes, and drove away their cattle; besides many encounters and engagements, in which they have defeated them, too tedious to relate here. What the French got by their attempt against South Carolina, will hardly ever be rank’d amongst their victories; their Admiral Mouville being glad to leave the enterprise, and run away, after he had suffer’d all the loss and disgrace he was capable of receiving.* They are absolute masters over the Indians, and carry so strict a hand over such as are within the circle of their trade, that none does the least injury to any of the English but he is presently sent for, and punish’d with death, or otherwise, according to the nature of the fault. They have an entire friendship with the neighboring Indians of several nations, which are a very warlike people, ever faithful to the English, and have prov’d themselves brave and true on all occasions; and are a great help and strength to this colony. The chief of the savage nations have heretofore groan’d under the Spanish yoke, and having experienc’d their cruelty, are become such mortal enemies to that people, that they never give a Spaniard quarter; but generally, when they take any prisoners, (if the English be not near to prevent it) scalp them, that is, to take their hair and skin of their heads, which they often flea away, whilst the wretch is alive. Notwithstanding the English have used all their endeavors, yet they could never bring them to leave this barbarity to the Spaniards; who, as they allege, use to murder them and their relations, and make slaves of them to build their forts and towns.

This place is more plentiful in money, than most, or indeed any of the plantations on the continent; besides, they build a considerable number of vessels of cedar, and other wood, with which they trade to [Curaçao] and the West Indies; from one they bring money, and from the other the produce of their islands, which yields a necessary supply of both to the colony. Their stocks of cattle are incredible, being from one to two thousand head in one man’s possession: These feed in the savannas, and other grounds, and need no fodder in the winter. Their mutton and veal is good, and their pork is not inferior to any in America. As for pitch and tar, none of the plantations are comparable for affording the vast quantities of naval stores, as this place does. There have been heretofore some discoveries of rich mines in the mountainous part of this country; but being remote from the present settlement, and the inhabitants not well versed in ordering minerals, they have been laid aside ’till a more fit opportunity happens. There are several noble rivers, and spacious tracts of rich land in their Lordships dominions, lying to the southward, which are yet uninhabited, besides Port Royal, a rare harbor and inlet, having many inhabitants thereon, which their Lordships have now made a port for trade. This will be a most advantageous settlement, lying so commodiously for ships coming from the Gulf, and the richness of the land, which is reported to be there. These more southerly parts will afford oranges, lemons, limes, and many other fruits, which the northerly plantations yield not.

The merchants of Carolina are fair, frank traders. The gentlemen seated in the country, are very courteous, live very nobly in their houses, and give very genteel entertainment to all strangers and others that come to visit them. And since the produce of South and North Carolina is the same, unless silk, which this place produces great quantities of, and very good,* North Carolina having never made any trial thereof as yet, therefore I shall refer the natural produce of this country to that part which treats of North Carolina, whose productions are much the same. The Christian inhabitants of both colonies pretty equal, but the slaves of South Carolina are far more in number than those in the North. I shall now proceed to relate my journey thro’ the country, from this settlement to the other, and then treat them of the natural history of Carolina, with other remarkable circumstances which I have met with, during my eight years abode in that country.

TRAVEL AMONG THE INDIANS

[Saturday.]

On December the 28th, 1700, I began my voyage from Charles-Town, being six Englishmen in company, with three Indian-men, and one woman, wife to our Indian-guide, having five miles from the town to the Breach we went down in a large canoe, that we had provided for our voyage thither, having the tide of ebb along with us; which was so far spent by that time we got down, that we had not water enough for our craft to go over, although we drew but two foot, or thereabouts. This breach is a passage through a marsh lying to the northward of Sullivan’s Island, the pilot’s having a look out thereon, lying very commodious for mariners, (on that coast) making a good land-mark in so level a country, this bar being difficult to hit, where an observation hath been wanting for a day or two; north east winds bringing great fogs, mists, and rains; which, towards the cool months of October, November, and until the latter end of March, often appear in these parts. There are three pilots to attend, and conduct ships over the bar.

The harbor where the vessels generally ride, is against the town on Cooper’s River, lying within a point which parts that and Ashley-River, they being land locked almost on all sides.

At 4 in the afternoon, (at half flood) we passed with our canoe over the breach, leaving Sullivan’s Island on our starboard. The first place we designed for was Santee River, on which there is a colony of French Protestants, allowed and encouraged by the Lords Proprietors.* At night we got to Bell’s-Island, a poor spot of land, being about ten miles round, where lived (at that time) a Bermudian, being employed here with a boy, to look after a stock of cattle and hogs, by the owner of this island. One side of the roof of his house was thatched with palmetto-leaves, the other open to the heavens, thousands of musketoes, and other troublesome insects, tormenting both man and beast inhabiting these islands.

[Palmetto-trees.]

The palmetto-trees, whose leaves growing only on the top of the tree, in the shape of a fan, and in a cluster, like a cabbage; this tree in Carolina, when at its utmost growth, is about forty or fifty foot in height, and two foot through: It’s worth mentioning, that the growth of the tree is not perceivable in the age of any man, the experiment having been often tried in Bermudas, and elsewhere, which shows the slow growth of this vegetable, the wood of it being porous and stringy, like some canes; the leaves thereof the Bermudians make women’s hats, bokeets, baskets, and pretty dressing-boxes, a great deal being transported to Pennsylvania, and other northern parts of America, (where they do not grow) for the same manufacture. The people of Carolina make of the fans of this tree, brooms very serviceable, to sweep their houses withal.

We took up our lodging this night with the Bermudian; our entertainment was very indifferent, there being no fresh water to be had on the island. The next morning we set away thro’ the marshes; about noon we reached another island, called Dix’s Island, much like to the former, tho’ larger; there lived an honest Scot, who gave us the best reception his dwelling afforded, being well provided of oat-meal, and several other effects he had found on that coast; which goods belonged to that unfortunate vessel, the Rising Sun, a Scotch Man of War, lately arrived from the Isthmus of Darien, and cast away near the bar of Ashley River, the September before, Capt. Gibson of Glass then commanding her, who, with above an hundred men then on board her [on September 5, 1700], were every soul drowned in that terrible gust which then happened; most of the corps being taken up, were carefully interred by Mr. Graham, their Lieutenant, who happily was on shore during the tempest.*

After dinner, we left our Scotch landlord, and went that night to the north east point of the island: It being dark ere we got there, our canoe struck on a sand near the breakers, and were in great danger of our lives, but (by God’s blessing) got off safe to the shore, where we lay all night.

[Monday.]

In the morning we set forwards on our intended voyage. About two a clock we got to Bulls Island, which is about thirty miles long, and hath a great number of both cattle and hogs upon it; the cattle being very wild, and the hogs very lean. These two last islands belong to one Colonel Cary, an inhabitant of South Carolina.†

Although it were winter, yet we found such swarms of musketoes, and other troublesome insects, that we got but little rest that night.

[Tuesday.]

The next day we intended for a small island on the other side of Sewee-Bay, which joining to these islands, shipping might come to victual or careen; but there being such a burden of those flies, that few or none cares to settle there; so the stock thereon are run wild. We were gotten about half way to Raccoon-Island, when there sprung up a tart gale at N.W. which put us in some danger of being cast away, the bay being rough, and there running great seas between the two islands, which are better than four leagues asunder, a strong current of a tide setting in and out, which made us turn tail to it, and got our canoe right before the wind, and came safe into a creek that is joining to the north end of Bulls Island. We sent our Indians to hunt, who brought us two deers, which were very poor, and their maws full of large grubs.

[Wednesday.]

On the morrow we went and visited the easternmost side of this island, it joining to the ocean, having very fair sandy beeches, paved with innumerable sorts of curious pretty shells, very pleasant to the eye. Amongst the rest, we found the Spanish oyster-shell, whence come the pearls. They are very large, and of a different form from other oysters; their color much resembles the tortoise-shell, when it is dressed. There was left by the tide several strange species of a mucilaginous slimy substance, though living, and very aptly moved at their first appearance; yet, being left on the dry sand, (by the beams of the sun) soon exhale and vanish.

At our return to our quarters, the Indians had killed two more deer, two wild hogs, and three raccoons, all very lean, except the raccoons. We had great store of oysters, conks, and clams, a large sort of cockles. These parts being very well furnished with shell-fish, turtle of several sorts, but few or none of the green, with other sorts of salt-water fish, and in the season, good plenty of fowl, as curleus, gulls, gannets, and pelicans, besides duck and mallard, geese, swans, teal, pigeon, & c.

[Thursday.]

On Thursday morning we left Bulls Island, and went thro’ the creeks, which lie between the bay and the main land. At noon we went on shore, and got our dinner near a plantation, on a creek having the full prospect of Sewee-Bay: We sent up to the house, but found none at home, but a negro, of whom our messenger purchased some small quantity of tobacco and rice. We came to a deserted Indian residence, called Avendaugh-bough,* where we rested that night.

[Friday.]

The next day we entered Santee-River’s mouth, where is fresh water, occasioned by the extraordinary current that comes down continually. With hard rowing, we got two leagues up the river, lying all night in a swampy piece of ground, the Weather being so cold all that time, we were almost frozen ere morning, leaving the impressions of our bodies on the wet ground. We set forward very early in the morning, to seek some better quarters.

[Saturday.]

As we rowed up the river, we found the land towards the mouth, and for about sixteen miles up it, scarce any thing but swamp and percoarson, [a sort of low land] affording vast cypress-trees, of which the French make canoes, that will carry fifty or sixty barrels. After the tree is molded and dug, they saw them in two pieces, and so put a plank between, and a small keel, to preserve them from the oyster-banks, which are innumerable in the creeks and bays betwixt the French settlement and Charles-Town. They carry two masts, and Bermudas sails, which makes them very handy and fit for their purpose; for although their river fetches its first rise from the mountains, and continues a current some hundreds of miles ere it disgorges it self, having no sound bay or sand-banks betwixt the mouth thereof, and the ocean. Notwithstanding all this, with the vast stream it affords at all seasons, and the repeated freshes it so often alarms the inhabitants with, by laying under water a great part of their country; yet the mouth is barred, affording not above four or five foot water at the entrance. As we went up the river, we heard a great noise, as if two parties were engaged against each other, seeming exactly like small shot.

[Sewee Indians.]

When we approached nearer the place, we found it to be some Sewee Indians firing the canes swamps, which drives out the game, then taking their particular stands, kill great quantities of both bear, deer, turkeys, and what wild creatures the parts afford.

These Sewees have been formerly a large nation, though now very much decreased, since the English hath seated their land, and all other nations of Indians are observed to partake of the same fate, where the Europeans come, the Indians being a people very apt to catch any distemper they are afflicted withal; the smallpox has destroyed many thousands of these natives, who no sooner than they are attacked with the violent fevers, and the burning which attends that distemper, fling themselves over head in the water, in the very extremity of the disease; which shutting up the pores, hinders a kindly evacuation of the pestilential matter, and drives it back; by which means death most commonly ensues; not but in other distempers which are epidemical, you may find among ’em practitioners that have extraordinary skill and success in removing those morbifick qualities which afflict ’em, not often going above 100 yards from their abode for their remedies, some of their chiefest physicians commonly carrying their compliment of drugs continually about them, which are roots, barks, berries, nuts, &c. that are strung upon a thread. So like a pomander, the physician wears them about his neck. An Indian hath been often found to heal an Englishman of a malady, for the value of a match-coat; which the ablest of our English pretenders in America, after repeated applications, have deserted the patient as incurable; God having furnished every country with specific remedies for their peculiar diseases.

[Rum.]

Rum, a liquor now so much in use with them, that they will part with the dearest thing they have, to purchase it; and when they have got a little in their heads, are the impatientest creatures living, ’till they have enough to make ’em quite drunk; and the most miserable spectacles when they are so, some falling into the fires, burn their legs or arms, contracting the sinews, and become cripples all their life-time; others from precipices break their bones and joints, with abundance of instances, yet none are so great to deter them from that accursed practice of drunkenness, though sensible how many of them (are by it) hurried into the other world before their time, as themselves oftentimes will confess. The Indians, I was now speaking of, were not content with the common enemies that lessen and destroy their country-men, but invented an infallible stratagem to purge their tribe, and reduce their multitude into far less numbers. Their contrivance was thus, as a trader amongst them informed me.

They seeing several ships coming in, to bring the English supplies from Old England, one chief part of their cargo being for a trade with the Indians, some of the craftiest of them had observed, that the ships came always in at one place, which made them very confident that way was the exact road to England; and seeing so many ships come thence, they believed it could not be far thither, esteeming the English that were among them, no better than cheats, and thought, if they could carry the skins and furs they got, themselves to England, which were inhabited with a better sort of people than those sent amongst them, that then they should purchase twenty times the value for every pelt they sold abroad, in consideration of what rates they sold for at home. The intended barter was exceeding well approved of, and after a general consultation of the ablest heads amongst them, it was, Nemine Contradicente, agreed upon, immediately to make an addition of their fleet, by building more canoes, and those to be of the best sort, and biggest size, as fit for their intended discovery. Some Indians were employed about making the canoes, others to hunting, every one to the post he was most fit for, all endeavors tending towards an able fleet and cargo for Europe. The affair was carried on with a great deal of secrecy and expedition, so as in a small time they had gotten a Navy, loading provisions, and hands ready to set sail, leaving only the old, impotent, and minors at home, ’till their successful return. (They never hearing more of their fleet.) The wind presenting, they set up their mat-sails, and were scarce out of sight, when there rose a tempest, which it’s supposed carried one part of these Indian merchants, by way of the other world, whilst the others were taken up at sea by an English ship, and sold for slaves to the islands. The remainder are better satisfied with their imbecilities in such an undertaking, nothing affronting them more, than to rehearse their voyage to England.*

There being a strong current in Santee-River, caused us to make small way with our oars. With hard rowing, we got that night to Mons. Eugee’s† house, which stands about fifteen miles up the river, being the first Christian dwelling we met withal in that settlement, and were very courteously received by him and his wife.

Many of the French follow a trade with the Indians, living very conveniently for that Interest. There is about seventy families seated on this river, who live as decently and happily, as any planters in these Southward parts of America. The French being a temperate industrious people, some of them bringing very little of effects, yet by their endeavors and mutual assistance amongst themselves, (which is highly to be commended) have out-stripped our English, who brought with ’em larger fortunes, though (as it seems) less endeavor to manage their talent to the best advantage. ’Tis admirable to see what time and industry will (with God’s blessing) effect. Carolina affording many strange revolutions in the age of a man, daily instances presenting themselves to our view, of so many, from despicable beginnings, which in a short time arrive to very splendid conditions. Here propriety hath a large scope, there being no strict laws to bind our privileges. A quest after game, being as freely and peremptorily enjoyed by the meanest planter, as he that is the highest in dignity, or wealthiest in the province. Deer, and other game that are naturally wild, being not immured, or preserved within boundaries, to satisfy the appetite of the rich alone. A poor laborer, that is master of his gun, &c. hath as good a claim to have continued courses of delicacies crowded upon his table, as he that is master of a greater purse.

We lay all that night at Mons. Eugee’s, and the next morning set out farther, to go the remainder of our voyage by land: At ten a clock we passed over a narrow, deep swamp, having left the three Indian men and one woman, that had piloted the canoe from Ashley-River, having hired a Sewee-Indian, a tall, lusty fellow, who carried a pack of our cloths, of great weight; notwithstanding his burden, we had much a-do to keep pace with him. At noon we came up with several French plantations, meeting with several creeks by the way, the French were very officious in assisting with their small dories to pass over these waters, (whom we met coming from their church) being all of them very clean and decent in their apparel; their houses and plantations suitable in neatness and contrivance. They are all of the same opinion with the church of Geneva,* there being no difference amongst them concerning the punctilio’s of their Christian faith; which union hath propagated a happy and delightful concord in all other matters throughout the whole neighborhood; living amongst themselves as one tribal, or kindred, every one making it his business to be assistant to the wants of his country-man, preserving his estate and reputation with the same exactness and concern as he does his own; all seeming to share in the misfortunes, and rejoice at the advance, and rise, of their brethren.

Towards the afternoon, we came to Mons. L’Jandro,† where we got our dinner; there coming some French ladies whilst we were there, who were lately come from England, and Mons. L’Grand,‡ a worthy Norman, who hath been a great sufferer in his estate, by the persecution in France, against those of the Protestant religion: This gentleman very kindly invited us to make our stay with him all night, but we being intended farther that day, took our leaves,