Johannes Bugenhagen: Selected Writings

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Johannes Bugenhagen: Reformer beyond the Limelight

As visitors to Wittenberg amble along the main street of the city that leads from the Lutherhalle to the Castle Church, they will surely notice the large statues of Martin Luther and Philip Melanchthon[1] located in front of the old city hall. The prominence of these two reformers in the history of Wittenberg and of the Reformation is symbolized by the size and location of the statues. A short distance from the city hall, on one side of St. Mary’s, the city church of Wittenberg, stands another statue or, more precisely, a bust of Johannes Bugenhagen, popularly known as Pomeranus. Although the bust is appropriately located, since Bugenhagen was pastor of this church for more than three decades, it is not difficult to miss this tribute to the third most important Wittenberg reformer. Bugenhagen clearly stands in the shadow of his much more famous Wittenberg colleagues. While Melanchthon and, particularly, Luther have rightfully received substantial scholarly attention, Bugenhagen remains the relatively neglected member of the triumvirate of Wittenberg reformers. Although he clearly did not attain the stature of Luther, or even of Melanchthon, his contributions to the Lutheran Reformation were diverse and formative. He deserves a place next to his more famous friends and colleagues.

The Emerging Reformer

During the sixteenth century the island of Wollin in the Baltic Sea was a bustling, albeit small, commercial and shipping center. The main settlement on the island and its capital was the town that shared the name of the island, Wollin, the home of the Bugenhagen family. The annals of history have revealed little about the Bugenhagens. There is some evidence that they may have been descendants of an old Pomeranian family,[2] but this cannot be confirmed with certainty. Philip Melanchthon describes them as an honest and senatorial family.[3] Gerhard Bugenhagen, Johannes’s father, was serving as a councilman or perhaps even as burgomaster of Wollin when his wife presented him with a son on June 24, 1485. As was a common practice among the faithful members of the church, the parents named their son in honor of John the Baptist, the saint commemorated on that day in the church calendar.

Johannes Bugenhagen was born a burgher and remained one all of his life. His reforming work was carried out in the cities of northern Europe, although the effects of that work reached into the rural areas as well. The frequency of the calls addressed to him to organize the churches in various urban centers and territories, his diverse accomplishments, and the respect that he inspired wherever he ministered on behalf of the Reformation movement indicate that he particularly understood and constructively addressed the needs and wishes of his fellow burghers, although he was not uninformed or unconcerned about the priorities of the rural populations. Yet, his own family background enabled him to be a particularly effective ambassador of the Reformation to a particular social class that was among the first to be attracted to Luther and his message during the sixteenth century.

Little is known about Bugenhagen’s childhood. The extant information addresses primarily his educational experiences and also indicates that Bugenhagen was raised in a pious atmosphere. He himself reflects in later life: I loved Holy Scripture from youth on. However, I did not know how to use Scripture under the darkness of the Antichrist.[4] He received his primary education in Wollin and, possibly, in Stettin, for he recalled later that he had witnessed Duke Bogislav X’s[5] return to Stettin from the Holy Land in 1498. Melanchthon notes in his De vita Bugenhagii that grammar and music were part of Bugenhagen’s primary education.[6] The grammatical studies served him well in his later years when he proved himself to be an able Latinist.

Bugenhagen eventually joined the relatively small, elite group of male students who were able to attend a university, an indication both of his own intellectual abilities and of his family’s social and economic status. He matriculated at the University of Greifswald on January 24, 1502. Although scholasticism still dominated the university, humanism was gradually gaining ground within the intellectual milieu of Greifswald. The jurists Nicolaus Louwe,[7] Peter of Ravenna,[8] and the latter’s son Vincentius advocated humanist studies. In addition, the well-known German humanist, Hermann von dem Busche,[9] was active in Greifswald for a short time at the turn of the century. Hermann Hamelmann[10] asserts in his De vita, studiis, itineribus, scriptis et laboris Hermanni Buschii (1584) that Hermann von dem Busche lectured in Greifswald on the grammar of Priscian, on Lucan, and on the commentaries of Caesar. Hamelmann also notes that Bugenhagen and the brothers Petrus,[11] Johannes, and Bartholomäus Suave attended Hermann’s lectures.[12] On the basis of Hamelmann’s assertions, most scholars exploring Bugenhagen’s life have maintained that Bugenhagen studied under Hermann von dem Busche at Greifwald and was therefore impacted by Renaissance humanistic studies and perspectives.[13]

The debated question of the impact of humanism on Bugenhagen is an important one, especially when considering his inclinations toward church reform and his contributions to education. However, it is also a problematic one. It cannot be denied that Bugenhagen came into contact with humanism at the University of Greifswald. The extent of this contact and its lasting impact are open to question, however. While the majority of scholars argue that Bugenhagen came under the direct tutelage of Hermann von dem Busche, Schmidt has raised doubt concerning the validity of this assertion by questioning the trustworthiness of Hamelmann’s account.[14] Thus, on the basis of the available historical evidence, it can be maintained that Bugenhagen came into contact with humanist ideas during his university days. At the same time, it cannot be asserted with certainty that he worked directly with Hermann von dem Busche or any other humanist. Furthermore, it must be noted that Bugenhagen was trained in the scholastic tradition, for scholasticism remained the dominant tradition at the University of Greifswald at the beginning of the sixteenth century.

Bugenhagen’s relationship to humanism was therefore quite similar to that of his eventual spiritual and theological mentor, Martin Luther. Like Luther, Bugenhagen was attracted by the humanist emphases on ethics; ecclesiastical reform; the mastery of classical languages; and the study of the Christian classics, particularly Scripture. It is certainly apparent that he appreciated and affirmed these humanist ideals, and the impact of humanism is clearly evident in his educational priorities and his biblical scholarship. However, Bugenhagen should not be numbered among the humanists. His theological convictions ultimately shaped his intellectual and spiritual interests and his diverse contributions to the Reformation.

Bugenhagen left the University of Greifswald well-versed in the Latin authors, able to write Latin in a proper classical style, and thoroughly familiar with Latin grammar. His mastery of this classical language was such that Melanchthon, who was himself no mean Latinist, referred to Bugenhagen as grammaticus, and Luther valued his knowledge of Latin highly in the work of biblical translation. It is also likely that Bugenhagen acquainted himself with the rudiments of Greek during his university days. It does not appear, however, that he studied much theology. His theological interests were apparently awakened later and were fostered by independent scholarly research, particularly the study of Scripture and of the patristic literature. Interest in the Christian classics was, of course, promoted by the humanists.

After completing his studies at Greifswald, Bugenhagen was appointed rector of the city school of Treptow an der Rega in 1504. The right of advowson was enjoyed by the abbot of the Premonstratensian monastery Belbug, which towered over the city. Apparently, Bugenhagen’s intellectual gifts must have been readily apparent and eagerly affirmed by the monastic authorities and the political leaders of Treptow, since he was only nineteen years old when he was offered and accepted this challenging position.

The Latin school in Treptow had already achieved an admirable reputation, but that reputation continued to grow under Bugenhagen’s leadership. Students were attracted to the school not only from the immediate surrounding region but also from areas as far away as Livonia[15] and Westphalia. Furthermore, the local clergy, the Premonstratensian monks, and interested burghers also attended Bugenhagen’s lectures at the Latin school.

Bugenhagen clearly contributed to the success of the Treptow Latin school. He was an effective teacher because he remained a diligent student, exploring not only the Greek and Roman classics and the writings of the humanists but pursuing particularly the study of Scripture and the early Christian writers. While he rejected much in the scholastic commentaries, he found Jerome and Augustine particularly helpful as he immersed himself in the biblical text. Having acquired a deep love for the Latin language and the classics, he labored diligently to instill this love in his students as well. Knowledge of good classical Latin and proficiency in the disciplines of grammar and rhetoric, however, were not sufficient goals of Bugenhagen’s pedagogical endeavors. It was not his primary concern to make scholars out of his students, though this was an important goal. He was even more concerned to acquaint them with the word of God and to inspire them to true Christian piety. The younger students were given catechetical instruction, particularly the explanation of the Creed and the Ten Commandments. The more advanced were led to Scripture itself. Bugenhagen filled the classrooms as he lectured on the Psalms, the Gospel of Matthew, and the Epistles to Timothy.[16]

The fame of the Treptow Latin School flourished as Bugenhagen’s reputation as a Latinist and as a capable biblical scholar spread. As the rector of the school he also concerned himself with the quality of the teaching staff. He was therefore instrumental in sending at least two of his assistants, including his brother Gerard, to the well-known school of Johannes Murmellius[17] in Münster.[18] An excellent teaching staff also served to enhance the school’s reputation. Already in his first position, then, Bugenhagen proved to be an effective and creative teacher as well as a capable and diligent administrator. He continued to exemplify these characteristics throughout his long career as a reformer of the church.

The historical record reveals few specifics about Bugenhagen’s life between the years 1504 and 1517. Throughout that time he appears to have dedicated himself primarily to his educational and administrative responsibilities in Treptow. Those responsibilities also led to his ordination in 1509. His popular lectures on various biblical books demonstrated Bugenhagen’s knowledge of Scripture, his spiritual sincerity, and his reforming spirit. A number of his friends and students therefore encouraged him to become a priest, a suggestion to which Bugenhagen apparently responded quite favorably. The Bishop of Cammin, who was also the prelate of Pomerania, ordained Bugenhagen in 1509 even though he had no formal theological training, and he became a vicar at the collegiate church of St. Mary in Treptow.[19] He thus assumed the regular preaching and sacramental duties of a priest in addition to his teaching and administrative responsibilities at the Latin school.

His responsibilities were diversified further in the historic year 1517. Johannes Boldewan[20] had become the abbot of the Belbug monastery at the beginning of that year. He was a well-educated man, having studied at Greifswald, and he was imbued with a reforming spirit. One of his first acts after assuming his new position was the creation of a monastic school in order to improve the education of the monks. It was not surprising that he turned to Bugenhagen for assistance in this endeavor and appointed him as a lecturer at the monastic school because of the latter’s responsibilities at the Latin school. Boldewan was particularly concerned to enhance the monks’ knowledge of Scripture and of the early Christian writers. Bugenhagen was the logical choice in Treptow to teach these fields. While he never became a Premonstratensian monk, he now had the opportunity to shape the intellectual and theological formation of the Belbug brothers.

His biblical studies, his humanist interests, and his own perception of what the Christian church and the Christian life should be awakened a reforming spirit in Bugenhagen as well. Until he came under the influence of Luther, however, he was essentially an ethical reformer. He did not challenge the doctrines of the church but merely joined the considerable number of voices within the church who called for a general renewal of the church’s life, theology, and piety. There is nothing radical about his message, nor does his early reform activity indicate that he would eventually join the Reformation movement. It is nevertheless a significant indication of his character, his ecclesiastical perspectives, and his vision of the Christian life.

Bugenhagen’s reform spirit is clearly expressed in a sermon preached on June 29, the festival of St. Peter and St. Paul, the patron saints of the Belbug monastery.[21] The year when this sermon was delivered is debated.[22] It is clear, however, that Bugenhagen took advantage of the opportunity to express his concerns to his monastic audience. In the sermon he reprimands those preachers who give the saints as much honor as God in their sermons but say nothing that assists their listeners in their quest to live more faithfully. He rejects the formalism of much of contemporary piety and encourages his listeners to seek the essence of the Christian life, which consists of performing deeds of love for the sake of one’s neighbor. He also chastises the priests for taking money for their sacramental service and assures them that they would not have to worry about their physical welfare if they would fulfill the responsibilities of their high calling. The people would then respect them and see to their physical well-being. However, how can the clerics expect such respect when they do God’s work reluctantly and superficially and spend hours in feasting, drinking, fornication, bowling, and gambling . . . ?[23] Bugenhagen closes his sermon by reminding his hearers that the message he has addressed to them is not his own but Christ’s, for Christ said, Go and learn what this means: I desire mercy and not sacrifice[24] [Matt. 9:13a]. Bugenhagen had spoken harsh words to the congregation, but, as he assured them, he had spoken to them out of love. He had obviously compared the religious practices and priestly leadership of his time with the expectations and mandates of Scripture, and he recognized numerous discrepancies between the scriptural ideals and the realities of his contemporary church. His very real concern for reform, then, enabled him to speak precisely, critically, and truthfully. Such concerns and interests obviously prepared him for an eventual reception and affirmation of Luther’s message.

Bugenhagen’s spirit of reform is also evident in his historical chronicle, the Pomerania. In this work he focuses on education as the most efficient means of reforming the church. He is particularly concerned that the clergy become intimately acquainted with Scripture. He notes corruptions among the members of the monastic orders and asserts that these arise basically because of . . . ignorance of Holy Scripture and the teachings of Christ.[25] The vitality and ideal character of monastic life would best be revived if the abbots would see to it that the young brothers were taught the word of God. He cites Belbug as an example of what can be done in the area of spiritual reform by means of an intentional and effective catechetical program.[26]

No doubt influenced by his own work as an educator, Bugenhagen envisioned reform primarily in terms of educational and ethical reform during the first two decades of the sixteenth century. He asserted that people who understand the biblical message will also live in accordance with it. They will only become familiar with that message if they are thoroughly immersed in Holy Scripture through a careful program of biblical instruction. His own positive experiences as he taught in the Treptow Latin school and in the Belbug monastery convinced him of the efficacy of education as a means of reform. He spoke not as a theorist but as a practical man from experience. This was to be characteristic of Bugenhagen throughout his ministry. Education also remained an essential aspect of his vocational pursuits and his reform program.

By 1519, then, Johannes Bugenhagen had developed a sincere and courageous reforming spirit. His vision of reform was, however, still a limited one. Desiderius Erasmus,[27] whose Ratio verae theologiae[28] he cited in the sermon discussed above and whom the humanist Murmellius had commended to him,[29] appears to have been a decisive influence on Bugenhagen during this time. Although he was beginning to challenge some of the practices of the church, he had not yet become a theological reformer. His emphasis on the centrality of Scripture and the necessity of intensive scriptural study was an important one, and it would eventually inform his own theological perspectives and his theological reforms. It is important to note that he developed this emphasis before he became acquainted with Luther. Yet, the goal of biblical studies was still limited. He was essentially an ethical reformer who viewed Scripture as a guide for faithful Christian living. He was not yet searching for nor had he discovered new theological insights through his examinations of the scriptural text. At this point in his life, Bugenhagen saw no need to change his theology. However, he did see a definite need to combat various corruptions within the church and to challenge Christian people to live faithfully. It was this concern that shaped his program of reform and that focused his scriptural studies.

In later years Bugenhagen reflected on the sermon that he had preached on the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul and lamented that he had not yet experienced his theological breakthrough that led him to seek out Luther and to join the Reformation movement. He reminisced:

I, Johann Bugenhagen, Pomer, preached this sermon to the clerics in Belbug while I was still a young man and a papist when the people flocked for indulgences. It is clear in the sermon how eagerly I wanted to be a Christian then, but it was still the time of error.[30]

The Pomeranian cleric and educator still saw the Christian life in terms of good works and of human merit rather than in terms of faith and trust in God. It was for this reason that he looked back to his pre-Reformation time with regret.

Bugenhagen reflected further on his pre-Lutheran spiritual condition in his Exposition of the Psalms, published in 1524.[31] In his comments on Psalm 1:1-3, he points out that while he had rejected what the world also considers to be evil, he was nevertheless worse than the world. After all, he trusted in his own good works and pursued the righteousness of works. While God was already attempting to show him his errors and his sins by their fruits, says Bugenhagen, he was oblivious to God’s guidance. Unfortunately, he trusted more in confession, satisfaction, and good works than in God’s word. His spiritual pride led him to depend wholly on his own human wisdom. This is the greatest godlessness, asserts Bugenhagen, for it puts the human above the divine. Yet, he rejoices that in the midst of this kind of life, God did not forsake him but led him to an understanding of the gospel.[32]

His time of error,[33] as he described it, was soon to come to an end. Martin Luther was addressing his diligent call for reform to the church. Europe, particularly the German territories, was eagerly listening and responding to his challenges and proposals. News of Luther’s exploits and copies of his works were also reaching Pomerania. The contacts between Wittenberg and Pomerania were, in fact, quite direct, for Petrus Suave and Barnim XI (or IX),[34] son of Duke Bogislav X, had attended the University of Wittenberg.[35] Suave, who became a leading reformer in Pomerania, may have been a student of Bugenhagen, while Barnim became one of the dukes of Pomerania and was instrumental in promoting the Reformation in his territory. Nevertheless, Pomerania was far enough from Wittenberg that news about Luther and his teachings was quite sparse in the early years of the Reformation. It is not surprising that Bugenhagen would be interested in the Wittenberg reformer and his message. He could identify with Luther’s calls for reform, and he himself had criticized indulgences. Furthermore, he must be viewed as a leader of the intellectual circle in Treptow. Through his position as rector of the Latin school, as lecturer in the Belbug monastery, and as priest in the city, he was interested in academic and theological news that reached Treptow and impacted both the scholarly and ecclesiastical communities. Luther’s writings were certainly having such an effect wherever they were read, and Treptow was no exception.

Bugenhagen may have heard about Luther and his work before 1520, but it was not until then that he became acquainted with Luther’s writings and was persuaded to join the Lutheran movement. His conversion is a rather interesting episode. An anonymous writer gives the following account of this decisive event in Bugenhagen’s life. The historical accuracy of the account cannot be confirmed, however. Bugenhagen supposedly visited an old Hussite[36] at the man’s request. The Hussite asked him to read Luther’s Babylonian Captivity of the Church,[37] the reformer’s concise yet incisive analysis of the church’s sacramental system published in 1520, and to analyze it in light of Scripture. Bugenhagen did as the old man requested, and his careful study convinced him that Luther was correct.[38]

A more reliable account of Bugenhagen’s conversion and the one accepted by most scholars is that of David Chyträus,[39] recorded by Daniel Cramer[40] in his Das Grosse Pomrische Kirchen Chronicon of 1603. Its accuracy also cannot be determined with certainty, for neither Thomas Kantzow,[41] another Pomeranian chronicler, nor Melanchthon records this story. Yet, historical scholarship has generally accepted Cramer’s account as trustworthy. According to Cramer, Bugenhagen was a guest in the house of the Treptow pastor, Otto Slutow, who had just received a copy of Luther’s Babylonian Captivity of the Church from Leipzig. Slutow asked Bugenhagen to evaluate the treatise. After paging through it quickly, Bugenhagen could not suppress his surprise and consternation and exclaimed: There have been many heretics since Christ’s death, but no greater heretic has ever lived than the one who has written this book.[42] He then cited various examples of novel and heretical teachings that struck him in Luther’s work during his cursory perusal. Bugenhagen did not wish to judge the treatise unfairly and rashly, however. Therefore, he took it home and examined it more carefully. To his own surprise and the surprise of his friends, he changed his opinion completely. When he met with his companions again a few days later, he remarked, What shall I say to you? The whole world lies in complete blindness, but this man alone sees the truth.[43]

Bugenhagen had discovered Luther, and he was to be a faithful follower, colleague, and friend of the Wittenberg reformer from that time on. In spite of the radical shift in his opinion about the Babylonian Captivity of the Church, Bugenhagen was a very stable and consistent person. Once he had become convinced that Luther was correct, he never wavered in this conviction. He did not experience the kind of spiritual struggles or Anfechtungen that were a persistent part of Luther’s faith journey. Rather, he was certain that God had finally enabled him to overcome his own blindness, and he was at peace. His conviction and spiritual stability were to be of great help to Luther during the years of their friendship.

Bugenhagen immediately began to share his new insights with his friends and students, and an evangelical circle gathered around him.[44] He was also eager to read more of Luther’s works and to attain a deeper understanding of the evangelical faith. He was particularly anxious to clarify the proper relationship between faith and good works in the Christian life, a crucial theological and spiritual issue for him and for the evangelical movement. Thus he wrote a letter to Luther and asked him to outline a rule for Christian living. Luther sent Bugenhagen his Freedom of a Christian and added a little note:

You have written that I should prescribe for you a modus vivendi. A true Christian does not need moral precepts, for the Spirit of faith leads him to everything which God wills and which brotherly love demands. Read this therefore. Not all believe the gospel. Faith is perceived in the heart.[45]

There is no record of Bugenhagen’s specific reaction to Luther’s Freedom of a Christian, but it must surely have been a favorable one. The work obviously answered Bugenhagen’s inquiry concerning the relationship between faith and works, clarified Luther’s vision of the Christian life, and brought Bugenhagen further into the evangelical camp.

Wittenberg

Luther’s writings awakened a desire in Bugenhagen to meet and to study with the Reformer. Petrus Suave, who was already studying in Wittenberg, also encouraged him to join him. Thus in the early spring of 1521 Bugenhagen left Treptow and journeyed to Wittenberg, which would remain his home for the rest of his life.

Obviously Bugenhagen had no idea that this would be the case when he arrived in Wittenberg. He simply came to meet and to learn from Luther. His timing was not fortuitous, however, for shortly after his arrival Luther left for the Diet of Worms on April 2, 1521. Although he may have met Luther briefly, the close friendship between the two men did not begin until Luther’s return from the Wartburg in March of 1522. Although Luther was absent, Melanchthon, Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt,[46] and the rest of the university faculty remained. Bugenhagen was therefore at least able to pursue one of his goals, namely, to become better acquainted with the emerging evangelical theology. On April 29, 1521 he enrolled in the University of Wittenberg and began his studies at this center of the Reformation movement.

Bugenhagen intended to be a student, but he soon resumed his teaching activities. Fellow Pomeranians gravitated to him, and he lectured privately on the Psalms. While the group was initially quite small and met in his room, this was not the case for long. His reputation as an able teacher and explicator of Scripture spread quickly, and a significant number of students asked to attend his lectures. The room could not accommodate the number of hearers, and the lectures ceased temporarily. However, because of his popularity, Melanchthon and others urged Bugenhagen to hold public lectures. Melanchthon had attended Bugenhagen’s private discussions and was favorably impressed by what he had seen and heard. Thus the man who came to Wittenberg to study soon became an unofficial member of the Wittenberg faculty and joined the ranks of the leading evangelical theologians and reformers. His faculty status was officially recognized in 1533.

Bugenhagen’s basic conservatism and practical nature became evident as the radical spirit of reform manifested itself in Wittenberg during Luther’s stay at the Wartburg. He could not condone the excesses of Andreas Karlstadt and the Zwickau prophets[47] because he disagreed theologically and because he was convinced that iconoclasm and other changes for which the people had not been prepared would only harm the Reformation movement. As an educator he was particularly alarmed when the city school was closed in 1522. The radical reformers convinced the schoolmaster and the people that the indwelling Spirit made formal education superfluous, since the Holy Spirit would enlighten them with all necessary knowledge. Because of his high regard for the efficacy of education and its necessity for proper Christian living, Bugenhagen opposed these developments, encouraged the students to remain in school, and continued his own lectures at the university. Both Melanchthon and Luther appreciated Bugenhagen’s constructive role in this early crisis of the Wittenberg Reformation. Within one year of his arrival, the Pomeranian had become a member of the inner circle of Wittenberg reformers. As the years passed it become apparent that Luther and Bugenhagen generally agreed on essential matters. For this reason they remained good friends and effective partners who complemented each other well in the challenging work of reform.

While Bugenhagen opposed Karlstadt’s radical policies, he did join him in one rather significant step. Although he was an ordained priest, Bugenhagen decided to marry. Much more important than Karlstadt’s example, however, was Luther’s reinterpretation of the married estate. Luther emphasized that marriage was instituted and blessed by God. This holy estate should therefore not be despised.[48] Bugenhagen was convinced by Luther’s persuasive theological and practical argumentation and determined to seek a marriage partner. Obviously, his own desire to marry was the major impetus for this momentous decision, which not only had implications for him but for the Wittenberg reform movement in general. His first attempt resulted in failure because the woman broke off the engagement. The reason is not known, although the Roman preacher, Peter Anspach, postulated that she did not wish to be a Pfaffenweib.[49] Family pressures or second thoughts about her proposed marriage to a Lutheran pastor may well have been significant factors in her decision. Bugenhagen apparently recovered quite quickly from this disappointment, for on October 13, 1522 he married Walpurga.[50] The marriage appears to have been a happy and successful one. Walpurga was a faithful and constant companion who accompanied Bugenhagen on his numerous and often lengthy organizational journeys on behalf of the Reformation. It is impossible to determine with certainty how many children were born to Walpurga and Johannes Bugenhagen, although it is clear that one son, Johannes, who became superintendent of Wittenberg and provost of Kemberg, and one daughter, Sarah, lived to be adults.[51] In part because of his own positive experience, Bugenhagen defended clerical marriage in his Concerning the Marriage of Bishops and Deacons[52] and encouraged others to follow his example.[53]

With his bold decision to marry, Bugenhagen acquired a large number of responsibilities, not the least of which was to provide for his wife and, eventually, his family. At the time of his marriage he had no consistent source of income, since he was simply a student and a guest lecturer at the University of Wittenberg. Luther, eager to keep him in Wittenberg, encouraged the Elector Frederick to appoint Bugenhagen to an official position at the university and to provide a stipend for his salary. However, the Elector was hesitant to offer visible support to a married priest. Then the pastor of St. Mary’s, the city church of Wittenberg, Simon Heinsius, died in 1523. The city council and the members of the congregation elected Bugenhagen as their pastor when several men chosen by the chapter, which had the right of advowson, were rejected, most likely because of their loyalty to the papacy. Luther was pleased, because he had supported the choice. Bugenhagen was at first reluctant to accept the position but finally agreed. Although the stipend was quite small, his most pressing financial difficulties were addressed.[54] His election was a momentous one, for it served as a precedent for the tradition of congregational election of pastors among evangelical Lutheran communities.

As the pastor of the city church, Bugenhagen was also Luther’s pastor and ministered to the Reformer’s spiritual and emotional needs. This was to be one of Bugenhagen’s most important and persistent contributions to the Reformation movement. Bugenhagen was an effective spiritual counselor. He understood Luther well, had the ability to analyze Luther’s specific struggles, and possessed the empathy and insight both to encourage and to challenge his friend and colleague. Luther trusted him explicitly, and repeatedly expressed his appreciation for Bugenhagen’s counsel and guidance. Luther was convinced that God spoke through his faithful friend. In fact, Bugenhagen encouraged Luther to recognize God working through him. Luther recalled how Bugenhagen repeatedly reminded him: Dear Doctor, what I am telling you you should accept not as my word but as God’s word which He declares through me.[55] Luther did not interpret such statements to be a sign of arrogance, nor did Bugenhagen intend to exalt himself or his pastoral role. He was merely expressing his trust in God’s activity in and through Christian sisters and brothers, and he also reflected the Lutheran understanding of the office of the keys. Bugenhagen’s words were a witness to his own faith in God and God’s promises. Luther realized this, and he was strengthened by the counsel and prayer of his colleague and pastor during his persistent spiritual struggles. Bugenhagen was such an excellent spiritual counselor and pastor because he cared for and admired his friend and because he was not afraid to challenge, to reprimand, and to analyze specific situations incisively. A close relationship developed between the two reformers, in part because of Bugenhagen’s pastoral care. Both men realized that Luther needed and valued their friendship and counsel, and Bugenhagen was deeply grateful to be able to be a spiritual resource for his respected colleague.

Although he was the city pastor, Bugenhagen also continued his educational activities. His first concern upon assuming his pastoral office was to reopen the city school. Not only the instruction of the children but also the church services were suffering, for the school choir, which sang the various parts of the liturgy, had been disbanded when the school closed as radical reforms were introduced in Wittenberg during Luther’s absence after the Diet of Worms. Bugenhagen’s organizational abilities became evident as he worked with the other reformers to restore order and bring about gradual reform in Wittenberg. Johannes Drüller was called to serve as schoolmaster, parents were encouraged to send their children to school again, and the educational process was revived. Bugenhagen also continued to teach at the University. During the plague of 1527, when the university was moved to Jena, he lectured to those students who remained in Wittenberg. His lectures during that troubled time were based on the first four chapters of 1 Corinthians.[56]

Bugenhagen had developed an admirable social consciousness during his pre-Reformation days. He had repeatedly emphasized that love for God must express itself in concrete expressions of love toward one’s neighbor. Although his understanding of the role of good works in a Christian’s life changed radically after his acquaintance with Luther, he did not lose his concern for the less fortunate members of the community. That concern was manifest in the establishment of the Armenkasten, or poor chest, for the support of the impoverished and those with special needs. The poor chest in Wittenberg was organized in 1527 under Bugenhagen’s supervision. It became an example for numerous similar institutions in the Lutheran territories. Bugenhagen deserves much of the credit for the system of poor relief established in various cities and territories of northern Europe, for he incorporated a section on poor relief in his church orders.[57] Through this important organizational work he not only encouraged social responsibility within the Lutheran communities, but he also incorporated the institutions of the poor chest and the common chest into the legal framework of the new evangelical churches and territories.

The Reformation was the first significant movement in Western history to be the beneficiary of the printing press. Almost all of the major reformers published their writings, and Bugenhagen was no exception. His literary activity began in earnest in 1524 with the publication of his Commentary on the Psalms.[58] It was praised highly by Luther, who called Bugenhagen the first in the world who truly deserves to be called an expositor of the Psalter.[59] Although Luther spoke hyperbolically and the commentary does not meet modern critical and exegetical standards, it was a significant example of evangelical biblical interpretation and enjoyed considerable popularity. Repeated editions were printed. Martin Bucer,[60] the leading reformer in the city of Strasbourg, translated the commentary into German,[61] and in 1544 Bugenhagen himself produced an edition for his Danish friends. It was, of course, eventually overshadowed by Luther’s own commentary on the Psalter and has slipped into obscurity with the advent of modern biblical commentaries. The value of Bugenhagen’s work lies primarily in its historical significance and its devotional, spiritual, and theological content, not in its merit as a scholarly, exegetical commentary on the Psalms.

Bugenhagen’s Commentary on the Psalms was only the first of a series of biblical commentaries that he published and which included, but are not limited to, expositions of Deuteronomy, 1 and 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings,[62] the Pauline letters,[63] Matthew,[64] and Jonah.[65] The commentaries were published versions of his lectures at the University of Wittenberg. His biblical lectures and their publications were appreciated and commended by his colleagues and students. His exegetical work has also received substantial attention in recent decades, particularly by German scholars. As he was contributing his own scholarly expositions of Scripture, Bugenhagen was also deeply concerned that Luther’s works, particularly his translation of the New Testament, be translated into Low German, and he participated in and encouraged this work. Among the first fruits of these labors was the publication of a Low German New Testament in 1523.[66]

Bugenhagen also joined the ranks of the Lutheran apologists. In 1525, for example, he defended the evangelical faith in a letter to the Christians in England.[67] Although the Reformation had found some adherents in England at this early date, especially among the intellectuals and merchants, most of the English still viewed the movement with suspicion, particularly because of the critical writings of Roman polemicists. Bugenhagen expresses dismay that many unfounded assertions about the Lutherans are accepted by the English without question. The Lutherans teach only one thing, says Bugenhagen, namely, that Christ is our righteousness. The evangelical message should not therefore be rejected, for Christ is a doctor and teacher for us. Bugenhagen encourages his readers to pray diligently that the word of God may increase and be spread in the world to His honor and to the redemption and salvation of people through Jesus Christ our Lord, . . .[68] Bugenhagen’s reputation was significant enough by this time and the letter aroused sufficient attention to inspire a rebuttal by one of the most ardent defenders of Rome, Johannes Cochlaeus.[69]

In 1525 Bugenhagen also joined the literary debates regarding the sacramental presence of Christ when he published his Eyn Sendbrieff widder den newen yrrthumb bey dem Sacrament des leybs vnd blutts vnsers Herrn Jesu Christi. In the pamphlet he rejected Huldrych Zwingli’s[70] symbolic interpretation of Christ’s presence and thus inspired the wrath of the Swiss reformer.[71] Bugenhagen was not inclined to engage Zwingli in a prolonged literary debate, however. He therefore gladly stepped into the background when Luther took up this theological battle in earnest.[72] Before doing so, however, he published a short treatise expressing his disappointment that Martin Bucer had incorporated his own sacramental theology, which was influenced by Zwingli, into the German translation of Bugenhagen’s Psalms commentary, which Bucer had completed and published with Bugenhagen’s permission. That inclusion had raised the suspicion among some that the Wittenberg reformers were in agreement with Zwingli and Bucer. Bugenhagen emphasizes, therefore, that he and his Wittenberg colleagues are ardent defenders of the real presence and that they absolutely reject the symbolic perspectives of the Swiss and their allies.[73] Within a few years his organizational work would take Bugenhagen away from Wittenberg and from the heat of the sacramental controversy, although the sacraments, particularly the Eucharist, remained one of his chief theological interests, and he consistently articulated and promoted the Lutheran doctrine of the real presence in his various sacramental writings.[74]

Bugenhagen’s organizational and administrative abilities were quickly recognized, not only by his colleagues in Wittenberg but also by other communities that already were or that sought to become evangelical. Requests for his services began as early as 1524 and continued throughout his illustrious career. His organizational work is clearly Bugenhagen’s most significant and recognized contribution to the Lutheran Reformation, and because of this work he deserves much credit for the success and the growth of the Lutheran communities during the first half of the sixteenth century. The new evangelical churches could not have prospered and become stable ecclesiastical institutions without a firm and efficient organizational base. Bugenhagen was one of the chief architects of that base, and he should be recognized as the organizational genius of the Lutheran movement.

A variety of circumstances prevented Bugenhagen from accepting the initial calls addressed to him. The first request for his services came in 1524 from the congregation of St. Nicholas in Hamburg. Bugenhagen believed that it was God’s will that he heed that call, and, after some deliberation, the Wittenberg congregation agreed to a six-month leave.[75] However, the reaction of the Hamburg city council prevented Bugenhagen from embarking on his organizational travels. On November 12, 1524 the reformer received a protest from the council. It argued that the call had been issued without its knowledge and approval, that it was against the provisions of the Diet of Nürnberg[76] and the imperial mandate, and that Bugenhagen should be concerned about his own well-being. Bugenhagen was disappointed and disturbed by the council’s correspondence, and he informed them of his displeasure. Although his letter to the council is no longer extant, he summarizes its content in a letter to the congregation of St. Nicholas.[77] He recalls that he indicated to the council that he is not concerned about his well-being when he serves the gospel and that nothing evil can result from God’s word. He also admonished the council members for opposing God’s will by forbidding the preaching and hearing of God’s word for the sake of the Emperor’s mandate. While temporal authorities should be obeyed, they should not be given the obedience that belongs to God. He also indicates that he warned the council members that they dare not misuse their authority, for they have a Judge in heaven.[78] Already at this time, then, Bugenhagen was an unflinching witness and defender of what he considered to be God’s will.

In the same letter he also announced to the congregation that he had decided not to accept their call. He feared that the situation was such that he would be ineffective and that his coming would only result in further discord. He expressed his hope that the congregation would find another pastor. However, if an evangelical preacher simply will not be tolerated in Hamburg at this time, then those who are determined to hear the gospel should leave the city and seek a place where the word of God is taught freely, for a Christian forsakes all for the sake of the gospel.[79]

Although he did not travel to and serve in Hamburg at this time, Bugenhagen felt a deep sense of responsibility for the people who had called him. Therefore, when he was informed that monastic preachers and some priests in Hamburg were preaching and defending what he considered to be heresy, he determined to act. In good apostolic tradition he addressed the people in a letter. The rather lengthy treatise, Van dem Christen louen vnde rechten guden wercken/wedder den falschen louen vnde erdychtede gude wercke (1526), is his epistle to the people of Hamburg, especially the members of St. Nicholas congregation.[80] The work is Bugenhagen’s most extensive early exposition of the evangelical faith. It explores what true faith is, clarifies the proper relationship between faith and good works, addresses itself to essential Christian doctrines such as the Trinity and Christology, and emphasizes the necessity of faithful preachers for the spiritual welfare of the people. The theological formulations are faithfully Lutheran, and Bugenhagen emerges as an able and consistent articulator of the evangelical tradition.

Only a few months after Bugenhagen was compelled to decline the invitation of the St. Nicholas congregation in Hamburg, another call was addressed to him. The Reformation movement had also reached the city of Danzig,[81] where the city council played a leading role in its promotion and acceptance. A capable individual was needed, however, to provide initial leadership and direction to the emerging evangelical community. In the spring of 1525, the city council therefore requested that Luther send an evangelical preacher who . . . in a gentle and mild spirit declares the ways of God with discretion, so that we are not led into error and insurrection like others. They were particularly thinking of Bugenhagen . . . about whom the world says and boasts great things.[82] In order to enhance the possibility of receiving a positive response to their request, the city council also wrote Bugenhagen personally. In the letter they rejoiced that God had removed the darkness of the world at the present time through the light of God’s word and had graciously brought those who sat in the shadow of death to the knowledge of Christ. They particularly emphasized their need of a well-trained and knowledgeable man to build up their congregation so that it might be a worthy Christian community.[83] Bugenhagen was apparently again willing to serve, although he was never eager to leave Wittenberg. However, this time the Wittenberg congregation refused to grant him a leave.

By 1527 Bugenhagen was clearly recognized as one of the leaders of the Lutheran movement. His name appeared on most of the important memorials[84] prepared by the Wittenberg theologians, and his sound spiritual advice had endeared him to Luther. His organizational and leadership qualities manifested themselves in his exercise of the pastoral office, his opposition to the radical reformers, his reestablishment of the Wittenberg city school after the turmoil inspired by the more radical reformers, and his organization and promotion of the poor chest. His ability to speak and write Low German had particularly attracted the attention of the North German territories. Hamburg and Danzig had already requested his services. Bugenhagen was clearly prepared to begin the ministry for which he is best known, namely, the organization of the new evangelical churches throughout northern Germany and in Denmark. This ministry began in earnest in 1528.

Organizational Travels

Bugenhagen had participated in the planning of the Saxon visitation of 1528,[85] and he and Luther reviewed and made minor changes in the Instructions for the Visitors of Parish Pastors in Electoral Saxony,[86] whose primary author was Melanchthon. Luther indicates this in a letter to the elector on October 12, 1527 in which he states: Our pastor, Mr. Johann Pomer, and I have examined the documents of the visitors and have changed little in them.[87] The Instructions served as a valuable resource for the teams of visitors. Bugenhagen would likely have been one of the visitors had not another call from a North German city reached him, a call that he accepted and that marked the beginning of his extensive organizational travels.

Braunschweig

The call came from the city of Braunschweig. The Reformation had made its initial impact in the city through the preaching of Gottschalk Kruse,[88] a monk who had experienced spiritual struggles similar to Luther’s and had responded positively to Luther’s message. Although the church—supported by the city council and Henry V, Duke of Braunschweig-Lüneburg and Prince of Wolfenbüttel[89]—opposed the Lutheran circle that gravitated around Kruse, it continued to grow. By 1528 Lutheranism had attracted a large following, but factions had also developed. An experienced organizer and theologian was needed. Heinrich Winckel,[90] who was called first, was a mild-mannered man who could not unite the conflicting parties.[91] The city council, which had determined that suppression of the Reformation would result in civil unrest, therefore requested Bugenhagen’s services. The Wittenberg reformers felt that the situation in Braunschweig was critical enough to warrant Bugenhagen’s presence. He left Wittenberg on May 16, 1528 and arrived in Braunschweig a few days later.

Bugenhagen’s organizational and leadership skills were, indeed, tested by the Braunschweig situation. The various factions had to be united, poor relief and schools had to be organized, a new liturgy had to be prepared, and evangelical pastors had to be appointed. He quickly demonstrated that he was the right person for this difficult assignment. Even the Roman Catholic historian Johannes Jannsen recognized his effectiveness, although his opinion of Bugenhagen was far from complementary: With the ardor of a fanatic, says Jannsen, he [Bugenhagen] swept the churches clear of every ‘vestige of popish superstition and idolatry.’[92] The burghers of Braunschweig who supported the Reformation certainly viewed Bugenhagen’s work in a much more positive light.

In order to avoid any questions about his right to carry on his ministry in Braunschweig, Bugenhagen immediately called together all of the evangelical preachers, presented to them the letter of the city council requesting his presence, and asked them to commission him for his work in their midst with the laying on of hands. This they did, and he was consecrated as preacher and teacher in all the churches of the city. Bugenhagen began his reform activity with a series of sermons preached in the various churches. The sermons were doctrinal expositions whose purpose was to articulate clearly the heart of the Reformation message to the people. He again returned to a favorite theme and condemned works done to gain merit and achieve righteousness. Rather, he pointed out, the good works that are fruits of faith must be expressions of love for the neighbor. He then encouraged the people to support schools, to take care of the poor, and to provide for the servants of the church. These were all concerns that he also addressed in the church order that he composed for the city. In addition to preaching at least three times a week, he also lectured daily on the Epistle to the Romans and on 1 and 2 Timothy throughout his five-month stay in Braunschweig.[93] Bugenhagen’s strategy was an admirable one. He introduced himself to the people from the pulpit, proclaimed the evangelical message, and laid the theological foundation for his organizational work. Only then did he begin to formulate and introduce practical organizational reforms.

Bugenhagen’s main energies were ultimately devoted to the production of a church order that would provide the legal and organizational basis for the evangelical movement in the city.[94] He began writing the church order as soon as he had acquainted himself with the local circumstances. By August the church order was ready to be examined by the city council and the burghers. Some revisions were made, and on September 5, 1528 the order was officially adopted and became law. It remained in effect at least until 1596.[95] The Braunschweig church order is the most important of Bugenhagen’s orders because it serves as the model for the rest, particularly for the orders of Hamburg and Lübeck. It is an extensive document, for he wanted to be absolutely certain that the varied stipulations and the rationale behind them were clearly articulated and understood. The order is divided into three major sections, one dealing with liturgical matters, another with poor relief, and a third with schools.

The Braunschweig burghers were impressed with Bugenhagen’s work and recognized his pastoral, theological, and administrative abilities. They hoped, therefore, that he would become their first superintendent and continue his ministry among them for an additional year. Both Bugenhagen and Luther[96] urged Elector John[97] to refuse this request of the citizens of Braunschweig. At the same time, Bugenhagen asked for an extension of his leave because the city that had called him first and for which he still felt a deep responsibility had again requested his services in July 1528. Bugenhagen’s request was granted, and the Elector allowed him to travel to Hamburg.[98] Before he left Braunschweig, he installed Martin Görlitz, whom Luther had recommended, as superintendent and Heinrich Winckel as his assistant.[99] After encouraging all of the evangelical preachers to maintain unity, he left Braunschweig and traveled to the Hanseatic city of Hamburg.

Hamburg

The church was a lively and viable institution in Hamburg at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Church buildings were numerous, and religious life flourished. The unrest that existed in the civic and ecclesiastical community was essentially a political struggle over such issues as taxation and property rights between the cathedral chapter, which enjoyed almost a monopoly of ecclesiastical authority, including the supervision of education, and the city council.[100] Some anticlericalism among the citizens was developing, however. Luther’s ideas were also beginning to infiltrate the city through Hamburg citizens attending the University of Wittenberg[101] and particularly through religious refugees from the Netherlands who fled the persecutions initiated by Emperor Charles V[102] in that part of his empire. Among the latter was Simon Korver of Amsterdam who established the first Lutheran printing press in the Low German–speaking areas. He printed Luther’s works, particularly the Reformer’s popular pamphlets, for about a year. Korver was also the publisher of the Low German New Testament in 1523.[103] Bugenhagen’s epistle to the people of Hamburg, Van den Christenloven, also encouraged reform activity.

Ordo Stemmel, who was primarily an ethical reformer,[104] Johann Fritze,[105] Johann Zegenhagen,[106] and Stephan Kempe[107] were the first important reform preachers. Kempe began his reform activity in 1523. Unlike many of the early reform preachers, he remained in Hamburg until his death and contributed the needed continuity to the Reformation movement. Because of his long and diligent activity he deserves to be called the Reformer of Hamburg.

Although the defenders of the church did not remain silent or inactive and a polemical struggle was fought in the pulpits and on the printed page, the Roman party was not able to halt the Lutheran movement. Two public disputations, in May 1527 and in April 1528, assured the victory of the evangelical party. In order for the reform movement to be implemented and to make a lasting impact, however, the opposing factions needed to be reconciled and the church and school needed to be organized carefully and efficiently. The city council, which had resigned itself to the victory of the Reformation and which was eager to restore harmony in the city, therefore turned to the man whom they had rejected four years earlier. Johannes Bugenhagen was invited to come to Hamburg and to provide guidance and positive direction to the church in the city. He was eager to accept the invitation because of his conviction that God had called him to minister in Hamburg. He arrived in the city on October 9, 1528 and was received with gracious hospitality. As was the custom with honored guests, he was given considerable gifts, including an ox, beer, and wine. Food, clothing, and monetary gifts were also presented to him and to his family periodically during their stay in Hamburg.

As he had done in Braunschweig, Bugenhagen began his reforming and organizational activity by preaching. On the first Sunday after his arrival he defended his coming and his message and called for cooperation and peace. Unfortunately, the sermons Bugenhagen preached in Hamburg are no longer extant. His message, no doubt, was similar to the one he shared with the people of Braunschweig and that he already addressed to the Hamburg citizenry in his epistle of 1526. He immediately recognized that the situation in Hamburg was a difficult one and that he would need a longer leave of absence in order to accomplish his work. Elector John had permitted him to remain until November, or at most two weeks later.[108] Therefore, both Bugenhagen and the city council petitioned for an extension, and, with Luther’s agreement, the Elector allowed Bugenhagen to prolong his stay.

One of the first concerns that Bugenhagen addressed was the revival of education. This was to be expected because he was convinced that the church could prosper only if there were good schools to educate the young and to provide able pastors. The educational issue was also one of deep concern in Hamburg, for the burghers believed that education had been neglected under the patronage of the cathedral chapter. In a letter to Luther, dated November 1, 1528, Bugenhagen reviews his activity on behalf of the schools:

A beginning has already been made with respect to the schools, the provision of teachers, and the care of the poor. Last Sunday deputies came to me who commanded me, in the name of the council and the whole city, to preach about the schools at vespers, which I did, and, God-willing, I shall continue to do on my own this coming week and thus tackle the matter more definitely.[109]

Bugenhagen did not satisfy himself with oral exhortations, however. His interest in and contributions to education in Hamburg continued throughout his stay. He encouraged the publication of a Low German translation of Luther’s Small Catechism in order to facilitate religious instruction, particularly of the young. Stephan Kempe and Johannes Boldewan,[110] the former abbot of the Belbug monastery who was now serving in Hamburg, may have participated in the work of translation.[111]

Bugenhagen also worked diligently to reorganize the schools in Hamburg. His major concern was to promote the establishment of a good Latin school, and his efforts bore fruit. After the Dominican friars, who refused to accept the Reformation, were ordered to leave the monastery of St. John, its facilities were converted into a school. Bugenhagen himself was given the honor of opening the school which was to a large degree the product of his labors. On May 24, 1529, the Johanneum, as the Latin school came to be called, opened its doors after a Latin address by Bugenhagen. Gottfried Hermelates Theophilus[112] was appointed rector and Matthäus Delius[113] his assistant.

In the Hamburg church order, which was officially accepted on May 28, 1529,[114] Bugenhagen also suggested the establishment of a lectorium, an embryonic university. This proposal was not a novel one. He was, in fact, reviving a traditional educational institution in Hamburg. Already in 1409 a pious burgher had left a stipend to support lectures by a canon who had earned a bachelor’s or master’s degree. The canon was to present theological lectures to enhance the knowledge of both clerics and educated laypeople. The lectureship would thus enable interested citizens of Hamburg to further their education without having to attend a university in another city.[115] Bugenhagen adopted this idea of a lectorium and expanded it to meet the needs of his contemporary context. He saw the value of such an institution because he believed that Hamburg could not yet support a university. Thus he provided that the lectorium foster particularly theological, legal, and medical studies and thus offer instruction in the three upper faculties of a typical medieval European university. While the Latin school became a reality immediately, the lectorium did not. Nevertheless, Bugenhagen’s proposal was never forgotten, and his general ideas were embodied in the academic gymnasium that was opened in 1613 and that remained a respected educational institution into the nineteenth century.[116]

Although the Hamburg citizens hoped to retain Bugenhagen’s services, he was eager to return to Wittenberg by the late spring of 1529. His presence was sorely needed there. Melanchthon was at the Diet of Speyer,[117] Justus Jonas[118] was still busy with the Saxon Visitation, and Luther was ill. While they were reluctant to allow him to leave, the people of Hamburg were grateful for Bugenhagen’s services, and they expressed their appreciation with a parting gift of one hundred gulden for Bugenhagen and twenty gulden for his wife. On June 9, 1529 the Bugenhagen family left Hamburg, with gratitude that the Pomeranian reformer had been able to fulfill his sense of calling to serve the people of the city. On his way home, Bugenhagen stopped in Braunschweig and addressed continuing conflicts in his previous sphere of activity. After he had left the city, a number of preachers promoted Zwinglian doctrines that resulted in confusion and unrest in the community. Radical Reformation preachers also added to the turmoil. Bugenhagen was able to provide sound advice and restore relative order in a short period of time, and on June 25 he and his family arrived in Wittenberg after an absence of over a year.

On August 11, 1529, shortly after his return to Wittenberg, Bugenhagen wrote a letter to the administrators of the common chest in Hamburg. He expresses his concern that the plague had struck the city and urges them to be steadfast in the faith. Then he addresses his two chief social reform concerns, the care of the poor and education. He especially encourages the administrators of the chest to support the